Bavarian Soviet Republic

(Redirected from Munich Soviet)

The Bavarian Soviet Republic (or Bavarian Council Republic), also known as the Munich Soviet Republic (German: Räterepublik Baiern, Münchner Räterepublik), was a short-lived unrecognised socialist state in Bavaria during the German revolution of 1918–1919.[1]

Bavarian Soviet Republic
Münchner Räterepublik
1919
Flag of Bavarian Soviet Republic
Motto: "Proletarier aller Länder, vereinigt Euch!"
"Workers of the world, unite!"
Anthem: Die Internationale
The Internationale
Territory claimed by the Bavarian Soviet Republic (in red) shown with the rest of the Weimar Republic (in beige)
Territory claimed by the Bavarian Soviet Republic (in red) shown with the rest of the Weimar Republic (in beige)
StatusUnrecognized state
CapitalMunich
Common languagesGerman
GovernmentSoviet republic
• 6–12 April 1919
Ernst Toller
• 12 April 1919 – 3 May 1919
Eugen Leviné
Historical eraInterwar period
 · Revolutions of 1917–1923
 · Political violence in Germany (1918–1933)
• Established
6 April 1919
• Disestablished
3 May 1919
CurrencyGerman Papiermark (ℳ)
Preceded by
Succeeded by
People's State of Bavaria
Weimar Republic
Free State of Bavaria
Today part ofGermany

A group of communists and anarchists declared the Bavarian Soviet Republic on 6 April 1919, forcing the government of the existing People's State of Bavaria to flee to Bamberg.[2] The members of the new government, led by playwright Ernst Toller, had no political or administrative experience,[3] and after just six days in power they were ousted in a putsch organized by the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). The new head of state, the Russian-German Bolshevik Eugen Leviné, quickly instituted communist measures such as worker control of factories. Food shortages led to popular unrest, and on 3 May the People's State was violently put down by soldiers of the German Army, supported by paramilitary Freikorps troops. Some 600 people died in the fighting,[4] and up to 1,200 communists and anarchists were later executed.[5]

On 14 August 1919, the democratic Free State of Bavaria was established within the Weimar Republic. The disruptions and privation endured by the populace during Bavaria's period of socialist rule led to the new state becoming strongly anti-communist and a breeding ground for right-wing parties such as the Nazis. The Bavarian Soviet Republic also contributed to the nationwide split between the moderate and radical Left, which seriously weakened opposition to the Nazi rise to power.[6]

Background

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The roots of the republic lay in the German Empire's defeat in the First World War and the ensuing German Revolution of 1918–1919. In September 1917, the Bavarian Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), which rejected revolutionary efforts in Bavaria, had submitted a corresponding motion (Auer-Süssheim-Antrag) to the Bavarian Landtag, which contained the main demands of the Bavarian SPD, including the abolition of the privileged first chamber of the Landtag (Kammer der Reichsräte in which only the nobility was represented); the abolition of the nobility as a whole; general, equal, direct and secret suffrage; more rights for the state parliament; and separation of church and state.[7] However, this motion failed. At the end of October 1918, German sailors mutinied off the North Sea coast.[8][9] After setting up a revolutionary workers' and soldiers' council at Kiel In early November, they quickly spread the councils across Germany and with little bloodshed took power from the existing military, royal and civil authorities.[10][11]

On 7 November 1918, the first anniversary of the October Revolution in Russia, King Ludwig III of Bavaria fled from the Residenz Palace in Munich with his family, and Kurt Eisner, a politician[1] of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD),[12] became minister-president[13] of a newly-proclaimed People's State of Bavaria.[14][15] The government of the People's State was made up of the SPD, the USPD and the Bavarian Peasants' League (BB).[16]

Though he advocated a socialist republic, Eisner distanced himself from the Russian Bolsheviks and declared that his government would protect property rights. As the new government was unable to provide basic services, Eisner's USPD was defeated in the January 1919 election and came in sixth place. On 21 February 1919, as he was on his way to the Landtag to announce his resignation, he was shot dead by the right-wing nationalist Anton Graf von Arco auf Valley, also known as Arco-Valley.[17][18][19]

After Eisner's assassination, the Landtag convened, and Erhard Auer, the leader of the Social Democrats and the Minister of the Interior in Eisner's government, began to eulogize Eisner, but rumours had already begun to spread that Auer was behind the assassination. Acting on the false allegations, Alois Linder, a saloon waiter who was a fervent supporter of Eisner, shot Auer twice with a rifle and wounded him. That prompted other armed supporters of Eisner to open fire, which caused a melee that killed the conservative parliamentarian Heinrich Osel [de] and provoked nervous breakdowns in at least two ministers.[20] There was effectively no government in Bavaria thereafter.[21]

Unrest and lawlessness followed. The assassination of Eisner created a martyr for the leftist cause and prompted demonstrations, the closing of the University of Munich, the kidnapping of aristocrats and the forced pealing of church bells. The support for the Left was greater than Eisner himself had been able to command.[21]

 
Ernst Toller, circa 1923

On 1 March, the Congress of Councils proclaimed a new government under Martin Segitz, but it was neither recognised by the majority of the state parliament and nor politically active.[22] On 17 March 1919, the Socialists' new leader, Johannes Hoffmann, an anti-militarist and former schoolteacher, patched together a parliamentary coalition government

However, a month later, on the night of 6–7 April, communists and anarchists, energized by the news of a communist revolution in Hungary, declared a Soviet republic, with Ernst Toller as chief of state.[23][24] Toller called on the non-existent "Bavarian Red Army" to support the new dictatorship of the proletariat and ruthlessly deal with any counter-revolutionary behaviour.[25][26] The KPD reluctantly took part in the newly-formed soviet republic though the party's chairman, Paul Levi, denounced the republic as "revolutionary adventurism".[19]

The Hoffmann government fled to Bamberg, in northern Bavaria,[27] which it declared the new seat of government.[28]

First Ernst Toller government

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Initially, the Bavarian Soviet Republic was ruled by USPD members such as Ernst Toller, and anarchists like writer Gustav Landauer, economist Silvio Gesell, and playwright Erich Mühsam.[29] Toller, who was also a playwright, described the revolution as the "Bavarian Revolution of Love".[30] Among the café society of Schwabing, the new government became known as "the regime of the coffeehouse anarchists."[31]

Toller's cabinet picks were controversial. For instance, a burglar with a conviction for moral turpitude was chosen as police president of Munich.[28] Most infamous was the Commissar of Foreign Affairs Dr. Franz Lipp – who had been admitted several times to psychiatric hospitals – declared war on Württemberg and Switzerland over the Swiss refusal to lend 60 locomotives to the Republic.[32][31] He claimed to be well acquainted with Pope Benedict XV[33] and informed Vladimir Lenin and the Pope by cable that the ousted former Minister-President Hoffmann had fled to Bamberg and taken the key to the ministry toilet with him.[34]

Toller's brief government was characterized by bold declarations without real enforcement. The minister for public housing published a decree saying that no house could thereafter contain more than three rooms and that the living room must always be above the kitchen and bedroom. It was also declared that Finance Minister Silvio Gesell's concept of Freigeld would be implemented, although it never was.[31]

Members of the Toller cabinet included:[35][36]

Portfolio Minister Took office Left office Party
President.. USPD
Foreign Minister.. USPD
Finance Minister[37].. Independent
Interior Minister.. USPD
Minister of Military Affairs.. KPD
Minister of Transportation.. USPD
Minister of Education.. USPD
Minister of Welfare.. USPD
Minister of Justice.. BB
Ministry of Social Welfare
Martin Steiner
.. BB

Eugen Leviné government

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Eugen Leviné

On Saturday 12 April 1919, only six days into Toller's regime, the KPD seized power, led by three Russian-German Bolsheviks, with Eugen Leviné as head of state and Max Levien as the chairman of the Bavarian KPD.[1][38][39] The communists managed to secure power after the so called Palm Sunday Putsch, where the counter-revolutionary government forces were suppressed by the Bavarian Red Army commander Rudolf Egelhofer.[40][39] Erich Mühsam, a member of the Toller Government, had himself "suggested to Leviné that we [the Toller government] be forcibly ousted so that the hopeless situation would end and the revolutionary work could be secured."[41]

Having received the blessings of Lenin – who at the annual May Day celebration in Red Square said: "The liberated working class is celebrating its anniversary not only in Soviet Russia but in ... Soviet Bavaria"[38][27][31] – Leviné began to enact more communist reforms, which included forming a "Red Army" from factory workers, seizing cash, food supplies, and privately owned guns, expropriating luxurious apartments and giving them to the homeless and placing factories under the ownership and control of their workers. One of Munich's main churches was taken over and made into a revolutionary temple which would be presided over by "Goddess Reason." Bavaria was to be in the vanguard of the Bolshevization of central Europe, with all workers to receive military training.[31]

Leviné also had plans to abolish paper money and reform the education system but never had time to implement them. There was time, however, for Max Levien, following Lenin's orders, to arrest aristocrats and members of the middle-class as hostages.[31]

During Leviné's short reign, food shortages quickly became a problem, especially the absence of milk. Public criticism over the milk shortage turned political, precipitating the communist government to publicly declare: "What does it matter? ... Most of it goes to the children of the bourgeoisie anyway. We are not interested in keeping them alive. No harm if they die – they'd only grow into enemies of the proletariat."[27]

An attempt by troops loyal to the Hoffmann government and the paramilitary Kampfbund (combat league) of the Neopagan and volkische Thule Society[42] to overthrow the BSR on 13 April[43] was put down by the new Red Army, which consisted of factory workers and members of the soldiers' and workers' councils. Twenty men died in the fighting.[31]

Second Ernst Toller government

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On 27 April, due to disputes over whether negotiations should be held with Hoffmann's People's State of Bavaria, Leviné's committee resigned and re-elected Toller to lead the Bavarian Soviet Republic.[29]

Military clash and demise

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The rival governments – Hoffmann's People's State of Bavaria seated in Bamberg, and the Bavarian Soviet Republic located in Munich – clashed militarily at Dachau on 18 April when Hoffmann's 8,000 soldiers met the Soviet Republic's 30,000. The BSR forces – led by Ernst Toller – were victorious in the first battle at Dachau, but Hoffmann made a deal that gave him the services of 20,000 men of the Freikorps under Lt. General Burghard von Oven [de]. Oven and the Freikorps, along with Hoffmann's loyalist elements of the German Army – called the "White Guards of Capitalism" by the communists – then took Dachau and surrounded Munich.[24] Supporters of the BSR had, in the meantime, on 26 April, occupied the rooms of the Thule Society in the Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten, and arrested Countess Hella von Westarp, the society's secretary, and six others, to be held as hostages.[44] Rudolf Egelhofer, panicked by Munich being surrounded by Hoffmann's forces, had these seven and three other hostages executed on 30 April.[27][24] They included the well-connected Prince Gustav of Thurn and Taxis.[45] The executions were carried out despite Toller's efforts to prevent them.[5]

The Freikorps broke through the Munich defences on 1 May,[5] leading to bitter street fighting that involved "flame-throwers, heavy artillery, armoured vehicles, even aircraft".[43] At least 606 people were killed, of whom 335 were civilians.[27][43] Leviné was later condemned to death for treason, and shot by a firing squad in Stadelheim Prison. Gustav Landauer was killed by the Freikorps,[46] and Egelhofer was murdered without trial after being arrested as well. Numerous others were given prison sentences, such as Toller (5 years) and the anarchist writer Erich Mühsam (15 years); others received longer sentences, 6,000 years' worth in all, some of it to hard labour.[43]

After the execution of 1,000–1,200 suspected communists,[19] Oven declared the city to have been secured on 6 May, ending the reign of the Bavarian Soviet Republic.[5] Although the Hoffmann government was nominally restored, the actual power in Munich had shifted to the right.[47]

The Bamberg Constitution [de] was enacted on 14 August 1919, creating the Free State of Bavaria within the new Weimar Republic.

Aftermath

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After the Bavarian Soviet Republic was crushed, the SPD returned to power, but was subsequently ousted in the Kapp Putsch in March 1920.[48] The tumultuous period of the People's State of Bavaria and the Bavarian Soviet Republic was used by conservative and far-right circles to stoke fear and hatred of "bolshevism" among Bavarian society.[49] The period was popularly remembered as a period in which both states existed as one of shortages, censorship, restrictions on freedom, violence, and general disorder.[50] The many separate strands of Bavarian conservatism found a common enemy in the far-left, and the former Kingdom became profoundly "reactionary, anti-Republican, [and] counter-revolutionary."[49]

The Communists and Social Democrats both blamed each other following the episode, paralyzing the left through the Nazi era.[51]

The fact that some of the prominent figures of the People's State and the Soviet Republic were Jewish was used by conservative and far-right circles to push the conspiracy theory of "Jewish Bolshevism" in Bavaria.[52][53]

Notable people

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One notable supporter of the Soviet Republic was the artist Georg Schrimpf, then aged 30, who was arrested when the movement was crushed.[54] His friend, the writer Oskar Maria Graf, who was also arrested, wrote about the events in his autobiographical novel, Wir sind Gefangene (1927). The famed anarchist novelist Ret Marut (later known as B.Traven) was an active participant in the establishment of Soviet power and worked as head of the Press Department of the Soviet Republic.[55] During the early days of the Soviet Republic, representatives of cultural life also played an important role in the revolution. Some intellectuals such as the economist Lujo Brentano, the conductor Bruno Walter and the writers Heinrich Mann and Rainer Maria Rilke formed the Rat der geistigen Arbeit (Council of Intellectual Work) with Mann as its chairman.[56][57]

Adolf Hitler's longstanding chauffeur and first leader of the Schutzstaffel (SS) Julius Schreck signed up and served as a member of the Red Army in late April 1919. Balthasar Brandmayer, one of Hitler's closest wartime friends, remarked "how he at first welcomed the end of the monarchies" and the establishment of the republic in Bavaria.[58]

Hitler himself acted as a liaison between his army battalion – he had been elected "deputy battalion representative" – and the Soviet Republic's Department of Propaganda by soldiers who mostly supported the mainstream SPD as opposed to the more radical USPD.[59][60][24] Both newsreel film footage and a still photograph show Hitler marching in Eisner's funeral procession. He wears both a black mourning band and a red band showing support for the Government. It is uncertain whether this indicated that Hitler was a true supporter of the Soviet Republic, or that he was simply taking an available opportunity not to return to his impoverished pre-war civilian life. Befitting what is now known about his character, Hitler's so-called left-wing politics may have been purely opportunistic, rather than reflecting a deeper political belief. It is also known that once the Soviet Republic had fallen to the White Guard and the Freikorps, Hitler immediately changed his loyalties, aligning himself with the Weimar Republic and – as part of a three-man committee assigned to investigate the behavior of his regiment's soldiers – informed on other soldiers who had shown sympathy for the Soviet Government.[61][60]

Active participants in the Freikorps units – those of Oven, Franz Ritter von Epp, and Hermann Erhardt – that suppressed the Bavarian Soviet Republic included future powerful members of the Nazi Party, including Rudolf Hess, a member of the Freikorps Epp.[62][63][64]

Legacy

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In his 1952 memoir Witness, Whittaker Chambers named Eugene Leviné as one of three people whom he most admired as he joined the Communist Party USA, along with Felix Dzerzhinsky and Igor Sazonov:[65]

During the Bavarian Soviet Republic in 1919, Levine was the organizer of the Workers and Soldiers Soviets. When the Bavarian Soviet Republic was crushed, Levine was captured and courtmartialed. The court-martial told him: "You are under sentence of death." Levine answered: "We communists are always under sentence of death." That is another thing that it meant to be a Communist.

See also

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References

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  1. ^ a b c Gaab 2006, p. 58.
  2. ^ Bartolf & Miething 2019, pp. 226–228.
  3. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 112–116; Mitcham 1996, p. 11, 30; Evans 2003, pp. 158–161
  4. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 112–116.
  5. ^ a b c d Mitcham 1996, pp. 34–35.
  6. ^ Burleigh 2000, p. 40.
  7. ^ Mitchell 1982, p. 23.
  8. ^ Scriba, Arnulf (15 August 2015). "Der Matrosenaufstand 1918" [The Sailors' Uprising 1918]. Deutsches Historisches Museum (in German). Retrieved 28 April 2024.
  9. ^ Rackwitz, Martin (2018). Kiel 1918: Revolution – Aufbruch zu Demokratie und Republik [Kiel 1918: Revolution – Dawn of Democracy and Republic] (in German). Kiel: Wachholtz. p. 54. ISBN 978-3-529-05174-6.
  10. ^ Sturm, Reinhard (23 December 2011). "Vom Kaiserreich zur Republik 1918/19" [From Empire to Republic 1918/19]. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (in German). Retrieved 24 March 2024.
  11. ^ Vrousalis 2019, p. 115.
  12. ^ Mitchell 1982, p. 65.
  13. ^ Schuler, Thomas (December 2008). "The Unsung Hero: Bavaria's amnesia about the man who abolished the monarchy". The Atlantic Times. Archived from the original on 19 December 2013.
  14. ^ Bartolf & Miething 2019, pp. 223–224.
  15. ^ Riddell 1986, p. 73.
  16. ^ Riddell 1986, p. 304.
  17. ^ Newton, Michael (17 April 2014). Famous Assassinations in World History: An Encyclopedia [2 volumes]. ABC-CLIO. pp. 131–132. ISBN 9781610692861.
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  19. ^ a b c Heynen 2019, pp. 52–53.
  20. ^ Dankerl, Norman (2007). Alois Lindner. Das Leben des bayerischen Abenteurers und Revolutionärs [Alois Lindner. The life of the Bavarian adventurer and revolutionary] (in German). Viechtach: Lichtung. ISBN 978-3-929517-79-8.
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  22. ^ Merz, Johannes (2 October 2006). "Kabinett Segitz, 1919" [Segitz Cabinet, 1919]. Historisches Lexikon Bayerns (in German). Retrieved 8 August 2024.
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  49. ^ a b Kershaw 1999, p. 115.
  50. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 114–115.
  51. ^ Burleigh 2000, pp. 40–41.
  52. ^ Friedländer, Saul (2007). Das Dritte Reich und die Juden. Die Jahre der Verfolgung 1933–1939. Die Jahre der Vernichtung 1939–1945. Die Jahre der Vernichtung 1939–1945 [The Third Reich and the Jews. The Years of Persecution 1933–1939] (in German) (One-volume special ed.). Munich: Beck. p. 1072, footnote 80. ISBN 978-3-406-56681-3.
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  54. ^ Friedrich, Julia, ed. (2012). Modernist Masterpieces. The Haubrich Collection at Museum Ludwig. Munich: König. ISBN 978-3-863-35174-8.
  55. ^ Richter, Armin (1970). "B. Traven und die Münchner Zensur : unveröffentlichte Dokumente aus der Zeit des 1. Weltkrieges" [B. Traven and the Munich Censors: Unpublished Documents from the Time of the First World War]. Geist und Tat (in German). 4 (October–December): 225–233. OCLC 86154513.
  56. ^ Gross, David (1973). "Heinrich Mann and the Politics of Reaction". Journal of Contemporary History. 8 (1): 125–145. doi:10.1177/002200947300800107. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 260072. S2CID 155049742.
  57. ^ Veitenheimer, Bernhard. "Heinrich Mann und der Politische Rat geistiger Arbeiter München – Versuch einer Chronik" [Heinrich Mann and the Political Council of Intellectual Workers in Munich – Attempt at a Timeline]. literaturkritik.de (in German). Retrieved 12 October 2021.
  58. ^ Kershaw 1999, p. 119.
  59. ^ Hett 2018, p. 46.
  60. ^ a b Ullrich, Volker (2016). Hitler: Ascent 1889–1939. Translated by Chase, Jefferson. New York: Vintage Books. pp. 79–80. ISBN 978-1-101-87205-5.
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  62. ^ Mitcham 1996, p. 35.
  63. ^ Manvell, Roger; Fraenkel, Heinrich (1971). Hess: A Biography. London: MacGibbon & Kee. p. 20. ISBN 0-261-63246-9.
  64. ^ Padfield, Peter (2001). Hess: The Fuhrer's Disciple. London: Cassell & Co. p. 13. ISBN 0-304-35843-6.
  65. ^ Chambers, Whittaker (1952). Witness. New York: Random House. p. 6. ISBN 978-0895269157.

Works cited

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48°08′N 11°34′E / 48.133°N 11.567°E / 48.133; 11.567

  • Hoffrogge, Ralf (2015). Desai, Radhika (ed.). Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution: Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement. Translated by Keady, Joseph B. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-28006-9.