Wikipedia

Narentines

(Redirected from Rhentanoi)
"Pagania" redirects here. For other uses, see Pagania (disambiguation).

The Narentines were a South Slavic[1] tribe noted as pirates on the Adriatic Sea in the 9th and 10th centuries. They occupied an area of southern Dalmatia centered at the river Neretva (Narenta). Named Narentani in Venetian sources, they were called Paganoi, "pagans", by the Greeks, as they were still pagan after the Christianization of the neighbouring tribes. They were fierce enemies of the Republic of Venice, attacking Venetian merchants and clergy traveling through the Adriatic, and even raiding close to Venice itself and defeating the doge several times. Venetian–Narentine peace treaties did not last long, as the Narentines quickly returned to piracy. They were finally defeated in a Venetian crackdown at the turn of the 10th century and disappeared from sources by the 11th century.

Pagania of the Narentines
9th century–11th century
Narentine State or Pagania in the 9th century, according to De Administrando Imperio.
Narentine State or Pagania in the 9th century, according to De Administrando Imperio.
Common languagesSlavic
Religion
Slavic paganism
GovernmentChiefdom
Prince 
History 
• Formed
9th century
11th century
 Succeeded by
Republic of Venice
Today part ofCroatia

Terminology

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The word Narentine is a demonym derived from the local Neretva River (Latin: Narenta). The terms "Narentines", "Pagania" or "Pagans" are found in two contemporary sources: De Administrando Imperio (DAI), a mid-10th century Greek work, and Chronicon Venetum et Gradense, a Venetian chronicle by John the Deacon from the early 11th century.[2][3] In De Administrando Imperio of Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (r. 913–959), the tribe is called Paganoi (Greek: Παγανοὶ, Παγανοἰ), and their polity Pagania (Παγανὶα, Παγανἰα), in Greek, while also noting that in Latin they are called Arentanoi (Αρεντανοἰ) and their polity Arenta (Αρεντα).[4] Chronicler John the Deacon used the geographical term Narentani (as in princeps Narentanorum,[5] Narrentanos Sclavos[6]). In Serbo-Croatian, the tribal name is rendered as Neretljani (Неретљани), Neretvani and Pagani (Пагани), while the polity mostly as Paganija (Паганија).

Geography and economy

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In DAI's chapters Story of the province of Dalmatia and Of the Pagani, also called Arentani, and of the country they now dwell in, the geography of Pagania is described. Pagania had the counties (župa (zoupanias)) of Rhastotza, Mokros and Dalen.[7] Rhastotza and Mokros lay by the coast, and had galleys, while Dalen was distant from the sea and was based on agriculture.[7] Pagania had the inhabited cities of Mokron (Makarska[8]), Beroullia (presumably Brela[8]), Ostrok (Zaostrog[8]) and Slavinetza (near Gradac[8]), and the large islands of Kourkra/Kiker with a city (Korčula[8]), Meleta/Malozeatai (Mljet[8]), Phara (Hvar[8]) and Bratzis (Brač[8]).[9] The Pagani raised flocks on the islands.[7] Islands in the vicinity but not part of Pagania were Chora (presumably Sušac[8]), Iës (Vis[8]) and Lastobon (Lastovo[8]).[9] Croatia was situated to the northwest, and Zachumlia to the east; Serbia was situated inland to the northeast, behind Pagania, Zachumlia, Travunia and Dioklea, and bordered to Croatia on the Tzentina (Cetina) River.[7]

History

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The Sclaveni (South Slavs) overwhelmed the Balkans in the 6th century. In 639 AD, Narona, until then a flourishing Roman city, was destroyed by a horde of Avars and Slavs.[10] A few years later, Slavic tribes took control of the lower Neretva.[10] The Slavs built a new town on the ruins of Narona, and erected a monument to their Slavic god Svetovid, on the ruins of Roman temples.[10] According to Evans, Narentia became a stronghold for pagans in the Balkans, similarly to Balto-Slavs in Rügen (at Jaromarsburg).[10] In 642, Slavs invaded southern Italy and attacked Siponto, by ship from the Dalmatian coast.[11] Slavic naval raids on the Adriatic increased and it became unsafe for travel.[11]

 
Slavic principalities in the early 9th century.

The first conflicts between the Venetians and Narentines came immediately before 830, around which time the first peace agreement was signed between the two (the Venetian Doge and Sclavorum de insula Narrentis).[12] Narentine Slavs sent envoys to Doge Giovanni I Participazio (r. 829–836).[13] P. Skok believes this period also being the first contact between Venice and the middle Dalmatian islands.[12] According to Šafárik (1795–1861), by the beginning of the 9th century their power had increased so much that Doge Giovanni I attacked them and then offered them peace.[14] The Republic of Venice was de facto subordinate the Byzantine Empire, a period in which Venice expanded its trade relations towards the East.[15] In the first half of the 9th century Byzantium was struck by internal unrest, while the Bulgars and Arabs strengthened themselves thanks to this.[16] Arabs took Crete in 825, Palermo in 831, Taranto in 839, then after destroying the Venetian navy by 840, they roamed freely in the Adriatic.[16] In 841 Arabic ships attacked Adriatic cities and reached a confluence of the Padua river, while smaller contingents attacked Budva, Roza and Lower Kotor.[16] In 842 the Arabs conquered Bari, and in 846 reached Rome itself.[16] The Venetian navy, obliged to defend the Byzantine Adriatic, were occupied almost fully with battles with the Arabs.[16] The Byzantine navy rarely appeared, and with small numbers of ships.[16] This, and Arab harassment, gave the Slavic pirates around the Neretva upswing to develop their ship capabilities.[16] When the Venetian navy was in Sicilian waters as guards in 827–828, the Narentines received momentum; when the Venetian navy returned, they calmed down.[16] Venetian chronicles speak of a Narentine leader having been baptized in Venice, for greater security for the latter; however, the Narentines are unsteady and deceptive as their sea; as soon as events in Venice or the Adriatic worsen, the Narentines continued their piracy.[16] One of their attacks in 834–835, when they robbed and killed some Venetian merchants returning from Benevento, caused great resentment against them in Venice.[16]

In order to stop these assaults, the Venetians undertook a large expedition against the Dalmatian Slavic pirates in 839.[16] Doge Pietro Tradonico sent warships against the Slavic lands (Sclavenia).[13] According to F. Šišić Doge Pietro ordered an attack on the Narentines in the spring of 839.[17] According to V. Klaić, Tradonico had first defeated and made peace with the Croats under Mislav, then proceeded to attack the Narentine islands and make peace with Narentine leader Drosaico.[18] There are no information on the fights that year, but it is known that peace was concluded with Croats and a part of the Narentines.[16] Venetian chronicler John the Deacon (1008) records a renewal of the peace treaty signed by Drosaico (ad Narrentanas insulas cum Drosaico, Marianorum iudice, similiter fedus instituit).[19] The peace with the Narentines did not last long, perhaps as the Narentines signed it to avoid danger, or more likely because it was not concluded with all, but a tribe or clan of the Narentines.[16] In 840 the Venetians attacked Narentine leader Ljudislav, ending in failure;[16] Ljudislav (Liuditus sclavus), possibly a successor or co-ruler of Drosaico, defeated the Venetian Doge and killed hundreds of his men.[17] According to Klaić it was the Narentines who broke the peace.[18] It seems that Narentine piracy even reached Istria by February 840.[17] The 840 Venetian–Frankish treaty included common fight against Slavic tribes (generationes Sclavorum inimicas).[20] After two defeats to the Venetian navy by the Arabs immediately after, the Venetians were unable to enter new fights with the Dalmatian Slavs.[16] In 846 the Narentines reached close to Venice itself, and raided nearby Caorle.[16][21]

 
Western Balkan polities in the late 9th century.

The arrival of Basil I (r. 867–886) to the Byzantine throne led to important changes in Byzantium; energetic, he managed to enter closer ties with the Bulgarians, and even the distant Croats, and protected the Empire well.[22] When Ragusa (Dubrovnik) asked for the emperor's help against the threat of the Saracens, he dispatched a strong navy into the Adriatic.[22] Byzantine admiral Niketas Ooryphas took up closer contacts with the Slavic tribes around Ragusa, the Zachumlians, Travunians and Kanalites, and invited them to jointly combat the Saracens, both on land and sea, in 869.[22] Only Slavic tribes of southern Dalmatia were called to cooperate; to the north, the Croats and Dalmatians entered relations with Italian king Louis at the dismay of the Byzantines.[22] When some "Slavs"[22] (Narentines according to Narayan[21]) in March 870 kidnapped the Bishop of Rome's emissaries returning home from the Fourth Council in Constantinople,[21] the Byzantines used this as a good pretext to attack and force them into submission (871).[22] The DAI mentions that the Narentines were called "pagans, because they did not accept baptism in the time when all Serbs were baptized", which is placed during Basil's rule.[22] The Narentines are not mentioned in relation to the Byzantine military expedition on Bari dispatched by Basil I (r. 867–886), in which other Dalmatian Slavs participated.[23] The Croats, Serbs, Zachlumians, Travunians, Konavlians, Ragusans, "with all the men of the towns of Dalmatia", crossed over the sea to Langobardia and took Bari.[24] Basil returned Dalmatia under Byzantine rule[23] by 878, and a large part of Dalmatia was put under the Patriarchate of Constantinople.[22] The DAI claims that the Dalmatian Slavs asked Basil I to baptize them; the Christianization of the Narentines seems to have failed.[23] According to Evans, the Narentines remained pagan until 873, when Byzantine admiral Ooryphas persuaded them to accept baptism.[10] While Doge Orso I Participazio and his son Giovanni II Participazio made peace and an alliance with the Croats after 876, the Venetians were still at war with the Narentines.[25]

In 880 the Venetian–Frankish treaty was renewed.[26] In 887 Doge Pietro I Candiano sent troops against the Narentine Slavs, landing at the "Slavic Hill" (mons Sclavorum), putting the Slavs to flight.[13] The Narentines were defeated in a battle in August 887 at Makarska, and their five ships were destroyed with axes.[26] With help from neighbours, the Narentines decisively defeated the Venetian navy on 18 September 887, with the Doge killed in action and his body left laying (Andrea Tribun later secretly took the body to Venice).[26] From this time until 948 the Venetian chronicles do not mention conflicts with the Croats, which would mean that the Venetians offered peace and paid tribute to the Croats.[26]

Pagania was by the reign of Serbian ruler Petar Gojniković (r. 892–917) part of the Serbian principality[citation needed]. Petar and the Byzantine commander of Dyrrhachion Leo Rhabdouchos met in Narentine lands regarding an alliance against the Bulgars.[27] Michael of Zahumlje, who had been pushed out from Zahumlje to the neighbouring islands by Petar, informed the Bulgars about these negotiations.[27] In 917 Petar was tricked by the Bulgars, who then annexed Serbia in 924–927,[28] until Časlav returned to Serbia and rebuilt the state, in Byzantine alliance.[29] Časlav's state included Pagania (the Narentines).[citation needed] In the 940s, the islands of Brač and Hvar, which had earlier become part of the Croatian kingdom, seceded during Ban Pribina's rebellion and rejoined the Narentine province.[30] The Narentines took advantage of the internal unrest in Croatia after the death of Krešimir I of Croatia (945) and took the islands of Sušac, Vis and Lastovo.[27] In 948 the Narentines were at war with Venetian Doge Pietro III Candiano, who sent 33 war galleys under Urso Badovario and Pietro Rozollo; the Narentines managed to defend themselves.[30] The Venetians were forced to pay tribute to the Narentines for safe sea passage.[27] Serbia collapsed after Časlav's death in ca. 960, into smaller units.[27]

In 997, the Narentines increased raids against Latin and Venetian towns, and they had close ties with Croat ruler Svetoslav Suronja, who at the time fought his two brothers over the throne; this relation caused the Latin Dalmatian towns and Venice to turn against Svetoslav.[31] In 998, the Republic of Venice, under the Byzantine Emperor, exerted control over the Byzantine Dalmatian towns; Dalmatian Croatia was in civil war; the Narentines were semi-independent, raiding the Adriatic, particularly against Venice.[32] As Venice gained authority in Dalmatia, some Dalmatian towns that felt threatened allied with the Narentines.[32] The Venetians then interved and defeated the Narentines and their Croatian allies decisively on sea, resulting in Narentine power decline.[32] The Neretljani principality in the 11th century was part of the Croatian Kingdom.[33]

On 9 May 1000, Venetian Doge Pietro II Orseolo[34] decided to conquer the allied Croats and Narentines, protecting the interests of their trading colonies and the Latin Dalmatian citizenry. Without difficulty, he struck the entire eastern Adriatic coastline - with only the Narentines offering him some resistance. As a counterattack, the Narentines kidnapped 40 of the foremost citizens of Zara (Zadar) and stole a transport of goods from Apulia.[citation needed] On their way home, Pietro II dispatched 10 ships that surprised them between Lastovo and Sušac and took them as prisoners to Trogir. Narentine emissaries came to the Doge's temporary residence at Split (Spalato) to beg for the release of the prisoners. They guaranteed that the Narentine prince himself would show up with his men and renounce the old rights to tax the Venetians for free passage. All prisoners were allowed to return to their homes, except for six that were kept as hostages. Lastovo and Korčula continued to oppose the Venetians. Korčula was conquered by Pietro II and Lastovo fell too after long bloody fights. As Lastovo was very infamous in the Venetian world for being a pirate haven, the Doge ordered it to be evacuated in order to be razed. After the denizens of Lastovo refused to concur, the Venetians attacked and razed it to the ground.

Dux Marianorum

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In the historical sources there exist a title of iudex and rex of Marianorum and Morsticus. There is no consensus in historiography whether they represent nobles of Narentines or nobles of Croatian Kingdom. Croatian historian Miho Barada was influential for the emergence of the idea of Mariani as the third name for the Narentines and identifying people with these titles to the Narentines. However, the identification is very problematic, and modern historiography argues that they were also one of the local titles of dukes who served the king of Croatia.[35][36][37][38][39][40] If they were titles of an independent ruler, for example in the case of rex Berigoj, then Narentines only from 1050 became part of the Kingdom of Croatia.[41]

The recorded personalities are iudex Marianorum Drosaico (Družak) in 839 by Venetian chronicler John the Deacon (1008) records a renewal of Venetian–Narentine peace treaty signed by Drosaico (Ad Narrantanas insulas cum Drosaico, Marianorum iudice, similiter fedus instituit);[35][36][42] iudex Marianorum and rex Marioanourm Berigoj from a 1050 charter by priest Ivan from Split giving himself and church of St. Sylvester on island Biševo to the Benedictine monastery of St Mary of Tremiti;[35][43][5][44] dux Marianorum and morsticus Jacobum (Jakov) from Split in the escort of Croatian king Demetrius Zvonimir and Stephen II of Croatia per three sources and Supetar Cartulary;[36][38][41] dux Marianorum and Morsticus Rusin during the reign of Demetrius Zvonimir and early 1090s per Supetar Cartulary;[35][39][40][41] rex of Croatia Slavac, brother of Rusin with ban Petar in 1090 per Supetar Cartulary.[35][41][45]

Legacy

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There is a historical festival called matrimonio in Venice commemorating the victory over the Narentines,[46] held on Candlemas.[47]

Historiography

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The question of the ethnic designation of the tribe, whether it, apart from being Slavic, was to be described as Serb or Croat, is often found in historiography.[48] The earliest information about the Narentines is from the early 9th century, compiled in the Chronicon Venetum et Gradense.[49] The Venetian chronicle used the Slavic ethnonym (Latin: Narrentanos Sclavos) to refer to the Narentines.[50] De Administrando Imperio also gives information about the Narentines and there, the Narentines are described as descendants from the "unbaptized Serbs" that settled Dalmatia from an area near Thessaloniki while earlier coming there from White Serbia under the protection of Byzantine Emperor Heraclius (r. 610–641), and that are called as Pagans because they did not accept baptism at the time when all the Serbs were baptized.[51][52][53]

In the 19th century, historian Pavel Jozef Šafárik (1795–1861) said that the first information on Serbs in history was from events regarding the Narentines.[14] Konstantin Josef Jireček (1854–1918) treated them as a distinct South Slavic tribe.[54] Croatian historians Miho Barada (1889–1957) and Nada Klaić also defined them as "neither Croats nor Serbs".[55] Croatian historian Ferdo Šišić (1869–1940) said that the Neretva population was "ever and always fully identical to the Croat [population], including also its Chakavian dialect" (1952).[54] Serbian historiography in the 19th and 20th century often considered the Narentines to be Serbs.[56] Vladimir Ćorović (1885–1941) treated the Narentines as the first of the Serb tribes to take the initiative of fighting, not for defence and tribal organization, but for the liberty of selfish desires and security raids.[16] Serbian historian Mihailo Dinić (1899–1970) considered that it cannot be established the accuracy of the information, and possibly only represents political development and spreading of Serbian name through a larger tribal alliance until the 9th century.[57] Czech historian Francis Dvornik in his analysis of DAI chapters concluded that they were more likely of Croatian than Serbian origin and the account is rather a political "ante-dating by three centuries the state of affairs in his own day".[58][59] Croatian historian Vladimir Košćak believed that the Narentines were under Croat rule from Trpimir until Domagoj (d. 876), and that after the latter's death, they sent emissaries to Basil I and recognized his rule, which was however short-lived as spanning only to the fall of Byzantine protégé Zdeslav (879) when the Narentines again fell away from Byzantium; Košćak wanted to reduce Byzantine rule also to the south of Pagania, claiming that the provinces of Pagania, Zachumlia, Travunia and Duklja again came under Croat rule during Branimir (r. 879–892).[60] This theory was criticized by Božidar Ferjančić.[61]

In modern historiography, Romanian-American historian Florin Curta agreed with those historians who "rightly interpreted as an indication that in the mid-tenth century the coastal zhupanias were under the control of the Serbian zhupan Časlav, who ruled over the regions in the interior and extended his power westwards across the mountains to the coast".[62] Serbian historian Tibor Živković also considered it a reflection of the political situation in the 10th century,[63] that there's no certainty the Narentines and others were Serbs or Croats or separate tribes which arrived with Serbs or Croats to the Balkans,[63] and that these ethnic identities are the result of political rather than ethnic development related to respective principalities.[64] He also noted that "it was stated in the DAI that the Serbs had been baptized much earlier, and therefore, the Pagans could not have belonged to the Serb tribe. There is information in chapter 32, that the Serbs controlled Pagania in ca. 895, during the rule of the Archon Peter, and from this political situation Constantine would have been able to write that the Pagans belonged to the Serbian tribe."[65] Croatian historian Neven Budak also holds that remarks regarding the Narentines were related to the political situation at the time and that the dispute between Croatian and Serbian historiographies regarding Narentines ethnicity is pointless.[66][67][68] Budak wrote that the Narentines were "undoubtedly a distinct ethnic group", who "disappeared as a separate ethnicity when their principality was joined into Croatia".[69] According to Croatian historian Hrvoje Gračanin both the account about the settlement of Croats in Pannonia and Serbs in Pagania and near principalities in DAI do not reflect Croatian or Serbian ethnic origin but rather a political rule during the 9th and 10th century.[70] In a similar fashion Croatian historian Ivo Goldstein asserted that the Narentines "could not be regarded neither Serbs nor Croats", but should be considered as part of Croatian history.[71] In Serbian (e.g. Sima Ćirković), and partly Croatian historiography, they are often considered as Serbs or Croats and their polity as part of medieval Serbian or Croatian state, but such a consideration is not taking into account the "complexity of multi-layered identities" by which "the Slavic population differentiated into more than two ethnogenetic nuclei".[72] Croatian historian Mladen Ančić recently argued in his critical analysis of historical sources that Narentines/Paganians and Narentia/Pagania did not exist as a separate people and polity with such a name, they were called Humljani and Hum was located West of river Neretva, while East of it was Zachlumia ("behind Hum").[73]

In the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, a work written by a Catholic bishop likely for a Croatian ruler in ca. 1300–10,[74] the southern Dalmatian principalities are referred to as part of "Red Croatia".[5] While later parts of the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja are considered of high value, events described in the early Middle Ages are largely discredited in historiography.[75]

However, the Serb origins of the Pagani-Narentani and Zahumljani remain a problematic issue, which is solely based only on the pseudo-historical story of the Serb migration in the seventh century.[76]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ Fine 1991, p. 306.
  2. ^ Ančić 2011b, p. 255.
  3. ^ Živković 2012b, pp. 11–12.
  4. ^ Moravcsik 1967, pp. 152, 164–165.
  5. ^ a b c Fine 2006, p. 62.
  6. ^ Fine 2006, p. 39.
  7. ^ a b c d Moravcsik 1967, p. 145.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Institut za hrvatsku povijest 1974, p. 29.
  9. ^ a b Moravcsik 1967, p. 165.
  10. ^ a b c d e Evans 2007, p. 363.
  11. ^ a b Ćorović 2001, ch. "Prva srpska država"; Narayan 2009, p. 3
  12. ^ a b Filozofski fakultet 1964, p. 147.
  13. ^ a b c Fine 2006, p. 37.
  14. ^ a b Kostić 1963, p. 23.
  15. ^ Šišić 1990, p. 321.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Ćorović 2001, ch. "Prva srpska država"
  17. ^ a b c Šišić 1990, p. 328.
  18. ^ a b Klaić 1972, p. 73.
  19. ^ Klaić 1971, p. 217.
  20. ^ Fine 2006, pp. 37–38.
  21. ^ a b c Narayan 2009, p. 4.
  22. ^ a b c d e f g h Ćorović 2001, ch. "Pokrštavanje Južnih Slovena"
  23. ^ a b c Ferjančić 1997, p. 15.
  24. ^ Živković 2008, p. 165.
  25. ^ Klaić 1972, p. 80.
  26. ^ a b c d Brković 2001, p. 32.
  27. ^ a b c d e Ćorović 2001, ch. "Srbi između Vizantije, Hrvatske i Bugarske"
  28. ^ Fine 1991, p. 153.
  29. ^ Fine 1991, p. 159.
  30. ^ a b Šišić 1990, p. 436.
  31. ^ Fine 1991, p. 274.
  32. ^ a b c Fine 1991, p. 276.
  33. ^ Ćirković 2004, p. 24.
  34. ^ Lane, Frederic Chapin. Venice, a Maritime Republic, p. 26
  35. ^ a b c d e Croatian Encyclopaedia (2021), Neretvani
  36. ^ a b c Puhiera, Samuel (1959). "Judex, Dux Marianorum". Prilozi povijesti otoka Hvara. 1 (1): 4–16.
  37. ^ Klaić, Nada (1960). "Problem Slavca i Neretljanske krajine". Zgodovinski časopis. 14: 96–136.
  38. ^ a b Laušić, Ante (1959). "Pripadnost i uloga srednjovjekovnih Poljica u vrijeme hrvatskih narodnih vladara". Radovi. 22 (1): 23–48.
  39. ^ a b Ančić, Mladen (2002). "Od kralja "poluboga" do prvih ideja o "nacionalnom kraljevstvu"" [From the "Demigod" King to the First Ideas About a "National Kingdom"]. Kolomanov put (katalog izložbe). Zagreb: Hrvatski povijesni muzej. p. 59.
  40. ^ a b Ančić 2011a, pp. 22–24, 42: "Sve to vodi nedvojbenome zaključku da sve ono što se čita u takozvanome „Supetarskom kartularu“ zapravo nema nikakve veze s „Neretvanima“ i njihovom „državom“, kako je to obrazlagao M. Barada. Kralj Slavac kao i njegov nećak i ban Petar nisu nikakvi „neretvanski vladari i dužnosnici“ – riječ je o posljednjim hrvatskim vladarima s kraljevskom titulom, ali bez stvarne vlasti nad većim dijelom Kraljevstva, vlast kojih je, kako se čini teritorijalno prilično ograničena, trajala od 1091. do 1097. godine kada je u boju s mađarskim snagama poginuo Petar. [All this leads to the undoubted conclusion that everything that is read in the so-called "Supetar Cartulary" actually has nothing to do with the "Neretvans" and their "state", as explained by M. Barada. King Slavac, as well as his nephew and ban Petar, are not "Neretvan rulers and officials" - they are the last Croatian rulers with a royal title, but without real authority over a large part of the Kingdom, whose authority, as it seems, was territorially quite limited, lasted from 1091 to 1097, when Petar was killed in a battle with Hungarian forces.]"
  41. ^ a b c d Budak 2018, pp. 230–231.
  42. ^ Atti e memorie della Società dalmata di storia patria. Volumes 7–9. La Società. 1970. p. 119.
  43. ^ Lučić, Josip (1983), "Berigoj", Croatian Biographical Lexicon (HBL) (in Croatian), Miroslav Krleža Lexicographical Institute
  44. ^ Ildar H. Garipzanov; Patrick J. Geary; Przemysław Urbańczyk (2008). Franks, Northmen, and Slavs: Identities and State Formation in Early Medieval Europe. Isd. p. 235. ISBN 978-2-503-52615-7.
  45. ^ Croatian Encyclopaedia (2021), Slavac
  46. ^ Marcel Brion (1962). Venice: The Masque of Italy. Elek. p. 63.
  47. ^ Catholic World. Vol. 106. Paulist Fathers. 1918. p. 365.
  48. ^ Živković 2012b, p. 12.
  49. ^ Živković 2012b, p. 13.
  50. ^ Fine 2006, pp. 37, 39, 62.
  51. ^ Moravcsik 1967.
  52. ^ Ćirković, Sima (2008) [2004]. Srbi među europskim narodima [Serbs among European nations] (PDF) (in Serbo-Croatian). Zagreb: Golden marketing / Tehnička knjiga. pp. 26–27. ISBN 9789532123388.
  53. ^ Živković 2012a, pp. 194–195.
  54. ^ a b Zadarska smotra. Vol. 49. Matica hrvatska. 2000. p. 567.
  55. ^ Ančić 2011a, pp. 31–32.
  56. ^ Ančić 2011b, p. 224.
  57. ^ Dinić, Mihailo (1953). "VII poglavlje: Srpske zemlje u ranofeudalno doba (do XII. stoljeća)". In Bogo Grafenauer; Dušan Perović; Jaroslav Šidak (eds.). Historija naroda Jugoslavije (in Serbo-Croatian). Zagreb: Školska knjiga. p. 245. Danas se ne može utvrditi, koliko te Porfirogenetove vijesti, zabilježene puna tri stoljeća poslije doseljenja Slavena na Balkanski poluotok, odgovaraju stvarnosti; vjerojatno se u njima održava politički razvitak tih oblasti od VII. do IX. st., kada se kroz formu širega plemenskog saveza širilo i srpsko ime.
  58. ^ Dvornik et al 1962, pp. 139, 141–142: He probably saw that in his time all these tribes were in the Serb sphere of influence, and therefore called them Serbs, thus ante-dating by three centuries the state of affairs in his own day. But in fact, as has been shown in the case of the Zachlumians, these tribes were not properly speaking Serbs, and seem to have migrated not with the Serbs but with the Croats. The Serbs at an early date succeeded in extending their sovereignty over the Terbouniotes and, under prince Peter, for a short time over the Narentans ... The Narentan Slavs differed in many respects from the other Slavs of Dalmatia ... The Narentan system seems thus to have been similar to that of the Polabian Slavs. The Narentans were scarcely influenced by Croats or Serbs, and seem to have been settled on the coast before the latter entered Illyricum. For C.’s statement that the Pagani are ‘descended from the unbaptized Serbs’ (36/5-6), see on 33/18-19. It is obvious that the small retinue of the Serbian prince could not have populated Serbia, Zachlumia, Terbounia and Narenta
  59. ^ Dvornik 1970, p. 26: Constantine regards all Slavic tribes in ancient Praevalis and Epirus—the Zachlumians, Tribunians, Diodetians, Narentans— as Serbs. This is not exact. Even these tribes were liberated from the Avars by the Croats who lived among them. Only later, thanks to the expansion of the Serbs, did they recognize their supremacy and come to be called Serbians
  60. ^ Ferjančić 1997, pp. 15–16.
  61. ^ Ferjančić 1997, p. 16.
  62. ^ Curta 2006, p. 210: According to Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the Slavs of the Dalmatian zhupanias of Pagania, Zahumlje, Travounia, and Konavli all "descended from the unbaptized Serbs."51 This has been rightly interpreted as an indication that in the mid-tenth century the coastal zhupanias were under the control of the Serbian zhupan Časlav, who ruled over the regions in the interior and extended his power westwards across the mountains to the coast.
  63. ^ a b Živković 2006, p. 60.
  64. ^ Živković 2012b, pp. 12–13.
  65. ^ Živković 2012a, p. 195.
  66. ^ Budak 1994, pp. 58–61: Pri tome je car dosljedno izostavljao Dukljane iz ove srpske zajednice naroda. Čini se, međutim, očitim da car ne želi govoriti ο stvarnoj etničkoj povezanosti, već da su mu pred očima politički odnosi u trenutku kada je pisao djelo, odnosno iz vremena kada su za nj prikupljani podaci u Dalmaciji...
  67. ^ Budak 2018, p. 51: Sporovi hrvatske i srpske historiografije oko etničkoga karaktera sklavinija između Cetine i Drača bespredmetni su, jer transponiraju suvremene kategorije etniciteta u rani srednji vijek u kojem se identitet shvaćao drukčije...
  68. ^ Budak 2018, p. 177: Međutim, nakon nekog vremena (možda poslije unutarnjih sukoba u Hrvatskoj) promijenio je svoj položaj i prihvatio vrhovništvo srpskog vladara jer Konstantin tvrdi da su Zahumljani (kao i Neretvani i Travunjani) bili Srbi od vremena onog arhonta koji je Srbe, za vrijeme Heraklija, doveo u njihovu novu domovinu. Ta tvrdnja, naravno, nema veze sa stvarnošću 7. st., ali govori o političkim odnosima u Konstantinovo vrijeme.
  69. ^ Budak 1994, p. 59.
  70. ^ Gračanin 2008, pp. 71–72: Izneseni nalazi navode na zaključak da se Hrvati nisu uopće naselili u južnoj Panoniji tijekom izvorne seobe sa sjevera na jug, iako je moguće da su pojedine manje skupine zaostale na tom području utopivši se naposljetku u premoćnoj množini ostalih doseljenih slavenskih populacija. Širenje starohrvatskih populacija s juga na sjever pripada vremenu od 10. stoljeća nadalje i povezano je s izmijenjenim političkim prilikama, jačanjem i širenjem rane hrvatske države. Na temelju svega ovoga mnogo je vjerojatnije da etnonim "Hrvati" i doseoba skrivaju činjenicu o prijenosu političke vlasti, što znači da je car političko vrhovništvo poistovjetio s etničkom nazočnošću. Točno takav pristup je primijenio pretvarajući Zahumljane, Travunjane i Neretljane u Srbe (DAI, c. 33, 8-9, 34, 4-7, 36, 5-7).
  71. ^ Goldstein 1995, p. 196: Neretvani u to vrijeme ne pripadaju neposredno nijednoj od velikih etnogenetskih jezgri koje su se već afirmirale ili će se tek afirmirati na istočnom Jadranu i na evropskom prostoru uopće. Oni se tada ne mogu smatrati ni Srbima ni Hrvatima, iako car Konstantin tvrdi da "isti Pagani vode podrijetlo od nekrštenih Srba, iz vremena onog arhonta koji je prebjegao caru Herakliju"243. Naime, Neretvani su se vrlo rano afirmirali kao samostalan čimbenik, dobivši zbog toga i osebujna imena: Mariani (primorci), Arentani (Neretvani), Pagani (pogani). Neretvansku pak povijest i u ranosrednjovjekovnom razdoblju valja smatrati dijelom hrvatske povijesti zbog toga što se od kraja 11. stoljeća taj prostor vrlo brzo inkorporira u cjelinu Hrvatske (ili kasnije u hrvatsko-ugarsko kraljevstvo).
  72. ^ Vedriš 2015, p. 590: No pri jednostranim pokušajima da se utvrdi etnička pripadnost tih sklavinija, često se nije uzimalau obzir sva složenost i višeslojnost identiteta razmatranje kojih upućuje na zaključakda se u ranome srednjem vijeku na istočnoj jadranskoj obali »slavensko pučanstvo diferenciralo u više nego dvije etnogenetske jezgre« (N. Budak).
  73. ^ Ančić 2011b, pp. 270–276.
  74. ^ Živković, T.; Kunčer, D. (2009), Gesta regum Sclavorum, I–II, pp. 362–365
  75. ^ Živković 2006, p. 16.
  76. ^ Danijel Džino, Early Medieval Serbs in the Balkans. Reconsideration of the Evidence, Historical Studies on Central Europe 3, no. 1 (2023): 4–25.

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