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Social patriotism is an openly patriotic standpoint which combines patriotism with socialism. It was first identified at the outset of the First World War when a majority of Social Democrats opted to support the war efforts of their respective governments and abandoned socialist internationalism and worker solidarity.
Social chauvinism can be described as aggressive or fanatical patriotism, particularly during time of war, in support of one's own nation (e.g., government, culture, etc.) versus other nation(s), displayed by those who are socialists or social democrats. During World War I, most left-wing political parties took a social-chauvinist stand, with few exceptions. Most Socialists gave up their anti-militarism and their belief in international unity among the working class in favour of "defense of the fatherland", and turned to social-chauvinism, most notably the German Social Democratic Party and the French Section of the Workers' International.[citation needed][1]
A break with social patriotism was called, leading to the foundation of a Third International.[2]
Effects on industrial action
editThe consequence of the policy on labor relations within the combatant countries was something called Burgfriedenspolitik in Germany, a term deriving from the medieval concept of "peace (especially between feuding families) within a besieged city". Other countries had their own terms, such as the Sacred Union in France and the União Sagrada in Portugal. By such means, strikes and other forms of industrial action were to end for the duration. From 1916 onward, however, illegal labor strikes in Germany began to increase in number due to eroding wages as well as food and energy shortages. In June 1916, for example, over 50,000 laborers in Berlin went on strike to protest the jailing of Karl Liebknecht.[3] In April 1917 the government responded with military force after workers in Berlin and Leipzig rioted over bread rationing. The culmination of the strikes came in January 1918 when over a million workers walked off the job.[4] After the First World War, compounded with the example of the Bolsheviks winning a revolution, a longing for the conditions which had transpired during the war was a major motivation for fascism.[citation needed]
Zimmerwald Conference, September 1915
editAt the International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald, the social patriots were identified as "the openly patriotic majority of the formerly Social-Democratic leaders" in Germany. In France and Austria the majority were also so identified, while in Britain and Russia some, such as Henry Hyndman, the Fabians, the Trade-Unionists, Georgi Plekhanov, Ilya Rubanovich and the Nasha Zarya were mentioned.[5] Following the conference, the political journal Vorbote was established with Anton Pannekoek as editor. In the introduction to the first issue, Pannekoek called for an "uncompromising struggle" against social patriots as well as open imperialists, leading to the foundation of a Third International through breaking with social patriotism.[6]
Kienthal Conference, September 1916
editSecond Congress, 1920
editFollowing the founding of the Communist International the 21 conditions adopted at the Second Congress (1920) stipulated:
- "6. Every party that wishes to belong to the Communist International is duty-bound to expose not only overt social patriotism but also the duplicity and hypocrisy of social pacifism; to explain systematically to the workers that without the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism, no international courts of arbitration, no treaties of any kind curtailing arms production, no manner of “democratic” renovation of the League of Nations will be able to prevent new imperialist wars."[7]
Critics
editTwo notable examples of Communists who fought against social-chauvinism in Germany during World War I were Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht.[8][9] They advocated proletarian internationalism, believing that common social relations united workers across any national boundaries. A common slogan used against social-chauvinism is "No War but the Class War".[citation needed]
See also
editReferences
edit- ^ "Vor 100 Jahren: Reichstag billigt Kriegskredite" [100 years ago: Reichstag approves war credits]. Deutscher Bundestag (in German). 2014.
- ^ R. Craig Nation (1989). War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist Internationalism. Duke University Press.
- ^ Patmore, Greg (2016). Worker Voice: Employee Representation in the Workplace in Australia, Canada, Germany, the UK and the US 1914-1939. Oxford University Press. pp. 75–77. ISBN 978-1-78138-268-4. Retrieved 26 January 2024.
- ^ Bailey, Stephen (1980). "The Berlin Strike of January 1918". Central European History. 13 (2): 158–174. doi:10.1017/S0008938900009080. ISSN 0008-9389. JSTOR 4545893. S2CID 145384448.
- ^ "International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald". International Socialist Commission at Berne, Bulletin No. 2, p. 14, November 27, 1915. Retrieved 3 January 2020 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
- ^ Gerber, John P. (1989). Anton Pannekoek and the Socialism of Workers' Self Emancipation, 1873-1960. Springer Science+Business Media. ISBN 978-0-7923-0274-2.
- ^ "Minutes of Second Congress of the Communist International" – via Marxists Internet Archive.
- ^ Vaquas, Rida (20 December 2020). "Rosa Luxemburg and the National Question". prometheusjournal.org. Prometheus Journal.
- ^ Liebnecht, Karl (2 December 1914). "The Future Belongs To The People". Marxists Internet Archive.
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