Enji (Albanian: [ɛɲi]) is the name of the fire god in the Albanian pagan mythology evidently contained in the week day name that was dedicated to him – e enjte – the Albanian word for Thursday.[3] The Fire – Zjarri – is deified in Albanian tradition, with the power to ward off evil and darkness, give strength to the Sun, sustain the continuity between life and afterlife and between the generations. The divine power of Fire is used for the hearth and the rituals, including calendar fires, sacrificial offerings, purification, and protection from big storms.[4][5] Fire worship and rituals are associated with the cult of the Sun (Dielli), the cult of the hearth (vatër) and the ancestor, and the cult of fertility in agriculture and animal husbandry.[6]

Albanian traditional tattoo patterns from northern Albania, drawn by Edith Durham in the early 20th century.[1] They are symbols of the Sun (Dielli) and the Moon (Hëna); the cross (also swastika in some tattoos) has been interpreted as a symbol of the deified fire – Zjarri, evidently also called with the theonym Enji.[2]

The theonym from which Thursday was named in Albanian is considered to have been attested in antiquity in Illyrian theophoric names with the Latin spelling En(n)-.[7] He was presumably worshiped by the Illyrians in antiquity[8] and he may have been the most prominent god of the Albanian pantheon in Roman times by interpreting Jupiter, when week-day names were formed in the Albanian language.[9] The belief in a prominent fire and wind god, who was referred to as I Verbti ("the blind one"), and who was often regarded more powerful than the Christian God, survived in northern Albania until recent times.[10] Under Christianization the god of fire was demonized and considered a false god, and it was spread about that anyone who invoked him would be blinded by fire.[11] The purifying power of fire underlies the Albanian folk belief according to which the fire god is the enemy of uncleanliness and the opponent of filth.[12]

Hearth fire lighting a dark room in a house of Mirdita, northern Albania. Drawn by Edith Durham in 1909.

In Albanian tradition Fire is deeply respected. To spit into it is taboo.[13] Albanian solemn oaths are taken "by fire",[14] and the worst curse formulas are cast for the extinguishing of the individual's, family's and clan's fire.[15] The lineage is identified with an original fire, and the members of a same tribe/clan are "from the same fire". Zjarri i Vatrës ("the Fire of the Hearth") is regarded as the offspring of the Sun and the sustainer of the continuity between the world of the living and that of the dead and between the generations, ensuring the survival of the lineage (fis or farë).[16] The absence of fire in a house is traditionally considered a great curse.[15] Zjarret e Vitit ("Ritual Calendar Fires") are associated with the cosmic cycle and the rhythms of agricultural and pastoral life.[17] The ritual collective fires (based on the house, kinship, or neighborhood) or bonfires in yards (especially on high places) lit before sunrise to celebrate the main traditional Albanian festivities such as Dita e Verës (spring equinox), Shëngjergji, the winter festivals (winter solstice), or mountain pilgrimages, often accompanied by animal sacrifices, are related to the cult of the Sun, and in particular they are practiced with the function to give strength to the Sun according to the old beliefs.[18] Zjarri i Gjallë, Zjarri i Egër, or Zjarri i Keq – traditionally kindled with rudimentary fire making tools and techniques – is the ritual purifying Fire used for the cleansing, protection, healing, and energizing of livestock and humans.[19] Albanian folk beliefs regard the lightning as Zjarri i Qiellit ("the Fire of the Sky") and consider it as the "weapon of the deity".[20] During big storms with torrential rains, lightning and hail, which often cause great damage to agriculture, livestock, and to the rural economy in general, Albanians traditionally bring outdoors Fire as a continuous chain or in a container, as well as ember and fire-related metallic objects, seeking assistance from the supernatural power of the Fire, in order to turn the storm away and to avert the harms it can cause to the community.[21]

Name

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Documentation

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The root of the name of the Albanian deity is thought to be found in antiquity in the Pannonian-Illyrian area, as well as in Messapia/Iapygia in southern Italy such as Ennius, interpreted as a theophoric name: "the one dedicated to En".[7][2] Other examples with the same root and with the suffix -c (-k) are Enica, Enicus, Enicenius, and with the suffix -n are Eninna, Ennenia, and the short forms Enna and Enno. Compounds of the divine name En are Enoclia "En, the famous", and Malennius containing the Albanian term mal "mountain", interpreted as "the one dedicated to En of/from the mountain".[7]

In his work Speculum Confessionis (1621) Pjetër Budi recorded the Albanian term tegnietenee madhe for the observance of Maundy Thursday (S.C., 148, vv. 26, 89). In his Latin-Albanian dictionary (Dictionarium latino-epiroticum, 1635),[7] Frang Bardhi recorded dita ehegnete as the Albanian translation of Latin dies Iovis. In 1820, the French scholar François Pouqueville recorded two old Albanian terms: e igniete and e en-gnitia.[22] In 1879 Albanian scholar and language master Kostandin Kristoforidhi translated Zeus / Δία of the original Greek text with the Albanian Ἒνετε Enete, and Hermes / Ἑρμῆν with the Albanian Μερκούρ Merkur.[7]

Modern dialectal variations of "Thursday" include: Gheg Albanian: e êjte, e ẽjtë; Tosk Albanian: e enjtë; Arbëreshë Albanian: e ègn'te, e énjite, e ente, e engjte, e ínjte.

Etymology

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The names of week days in Albanian are calques of Latin names. Since enjte appears to be the Albanian translation of Latin Iovis diem ('Day of Jove'), the god Enj- or En(ni) of the early Albanian pantheon may have been seen as the equivalent of Roman Jupiter.[23][24]

The Albanian term enjte ('Thursday') is considered to be a te-adjective presumably descending from the Proto-Albanian stem *agni-, ultimately from *h₁n̥gʷnis, the archaic Proto-Indo-European word for 'fire' as an active force.[23] The PIE name is also continued in the name of the Vedic fire god Agni,[25] who in Vedic religion is associated with the Sun in the heavens, with lightning in the clouds, and with both hearth and ritual fire on the earth among humans.[26][27]

The Albanian term zjarr, zjarm, zjerm, etc., "fire", is inherited from Proto-Indo-European *gʷʰermno- "warm". Notably within the Palaeo-Balkanic IE group, it is cognate to Greek: θερμός thermos and Armenian: ǰerm.[28]

Historical reconstruction

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Paleo-Balkan tattooing on 610-550 BC Daunian funerary stele from Apulia. The cross (including swastika) has been interpreted as a symbol of the fire god, Enji.[2]

According to Indo-Europeanist Karl Treimer, Illyrians worshiped a fire god named Enji, related to the Vedic fire god Agni,[25] and descending from the stem *H₁n̥gʷnis, the Proto-Indo-European divinised fire.[29] In the Illyrian pantheon the fire deity would have expanded his function considerably, therefore ousting the cosmic-heavenly deity, becoming the most distinguished Illyrian god in Roman times at the time when the weekday names were formed in the Albanian language. In this view the Latin Jovis dies was equated to the Illyrian fire god Enj rather than to the Illyrian Sky father, thought to have been Zot, from Proto-Albanian *dźie̅u ̊ *a(t)t (a cognate of PIE *Dyḗus ph2tḗr).[2] With the coming of Christianity, En would have been demoted to demonic status,[30] although his name has been preserved in the Albanian language to refer to Thursday (enj-te).[30][25]

Albanian fire worship, cult, and practices

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The cult of the mystic fire and the fire ritual practices have played a prominent role in the lives of all the Albanian people until the 20th century, and in rural areas they continue to be important for Albanian traditional customs even in the present days.[31][32] In Albanian tradition the fire worship and rituals are associated with the cult of the Sun (Dielli), the cult of the hearth (vatër) and the ancestor, and the cult of fertility in agriculture and animal husbandry.[33] Calendar fires (Albanian: zjarret e vitit) are associated with the cosmic cycle and the rhythms of agricultural and pastoral life.[34] The practices associated with ritual fires among Albanians have been historically fought by the Christian clergy, without success.[32]

Symbolism

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Tattoo patterns of northern Albanians (top); tattoo patterns of Catholic women (and one man) in Bosnia (bottom). Drawn by Edith Durham in the early 20th century. Many of those patterns also appear on Albanian traditional art (graves, jewellery and house carvings). They are symbols of celestial, light, fire and hearth worship, expressing the favor of the light within the dualistic struggle between light and darkness.[35][2]

Edith Durham, who extensively studied Balkan traditional tattoing with fieldwork research, was able to thoroughly explain the patterns of traditional tattoos only after asking to Albanians of Thethi–Shala for a description of all the little lines (or twigs) that accompanied a semicircle incised on an old gravestone. They answered that those twigs were "the light coming from the Moon, of course". For Albanians, the twigs or little lines were the traditional way to represent light, emanated from the Sun (Dielli) and from the Moon (Hana), which was often represented as a crescent. So, the patterns of Catholic tattoos in Bosnia, which until then were known as "circles, semicircles, and lines or twigs", eventually were clearly explained as compounds of rayed (emanating light) suns, moons, and crosses, from an expression of Nature-worship and hearth-worship.[35] Furthermore, the crosses (including swastikas) have been explained by Indo-Europeanist Karl Treimer as the symbol of the fire god, Enji.[2]

Also appearing in other expressions of Albanian traditional art (graves, jewellery and house carvings),[36] those patterns are symbols of celestial, light, fire and hearth worship, expressing the favor of the light within the dualistic struggle between light and darkness in Albanian mythology.[35][2]

Prominent fire god

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The belief in a fire god, who was referred to as I Verbti ("the blind one"), survived in northern Albania until recent times. Under Christianization this deity was demonized and considered a false god, and it was spread about that anyone who invoked him would be blinded by fire.[37] However, in folk beliefs the god I Verbti was often considered more powerful than the Christian God. The struggle between the old and the new god and the former predominant popularity of I Verbti among Albanians is expressed in a traditional tale narrated from a Christian point of view.[38] The purifying power of fire underlies the Albanian folk belief according to which the god I Verbti is the enemy of uncleanliness and the opponent of filth.[12]

Ritual and hearth Fire

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Sun's offspring and tribe's continuity

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Fireplace (votër) of a house of Shkreli, northern Albania, drawn by Edith Durham in 1909.

In Albanian tradition the fire of the hearth (zjarri i vatrës) is deified, and it is regarded as the Sun's offspring (pjella e Diellit), which is symbolized by the fire hearth (vatra e zjarrit).[39] The place of the ignition of fire is traditionally built in the center of the house and of circular shape representing the Sun. Traditionally the fire of the hearth, zjarri i vatrës, is identified with the existence of the family and its extinguishing is considered a bad omen for the family.[40]

The hearth fire is considered the sustainer of the continuity between the world of the living and that of the dead.[41] After death, the souls of the ancestors (hije) assume a divine connotation and remain in contact with the family through the fire of the domestic hearth, of which they are considered protectors.[42][43] The fire of the domestic hearth is considered to ensure the continuity of the tribe (fis) from generation to generation.[42] In Albanian tradition, indeed, the lineage is identified with an original fire (zjarr); the members of a same tribe/clan are "from the same fire" (pe një zjarri). The fire burns into the hearth (vatër), where it assumes another connotation besides the primordial concept: the fire of the domestic hearth is considered also as a place of common existence and commensality.[44]

Rose Wilder Lane (1923) provided the following description regarding the northern Albanian fire cult:[45]

The bride carries with her from her home one invariable gift—a pair of fire tongs. When she arrives at her husband's house she takes a humble place in the corner, standing, her hands folded on her breast, her eyes downcast, and for three days and nights she is required to remain in that position... this custom remains from the old days when the father of each house was also the priestly guardian of the fire, and anyone coming to ask for a light from it stood reverently in that position, silent, before the hearth, until the father priest gave it to him. The bride, newcomer in the family, is a suppliant for the gift of fire, of life, of the mystery that continues the race.

House plot determiner

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Proofs for determining the placement of a house plot among Albanians were mainly of mystic nature, and sometimes of techno-practical nature. The latter were easier to deal with, as they consisted in checking a place with or without moisture, a strong subsoil or a slippery soil, etc. As for the mystical aspects, such as luck and prosperity, they were harder to detect, and several concerns emerged about them. The elders, who preserved much historical and legendary knowledge, were also consulted.[46] Houses could certainly be built in the land of the ancestors whose permanent prosperity was well-known, or in the place where a prosperous cattle stable used to be located.[47] A mystic test, widespread in all Albanian lands, consisted in performing a particular ritual with ashes poured in the area of the future domestic hearth (vatër), repeating it three times during three nights, and there were special people who knew how to decipher the signs that appeared in the ashes.[48] Another test was performed using fire, which was kindled at the center of the tested plot on a calm and windless night with waxing moon. If the smoke spread over the ground in a soft and uniform manner, it was a good sign; if the smoke went up and only from one side, it was a bad sign and another place was to be tested. Ash and fire are clearly related to the cult of fire and the hearth, regarded as symbols of the continuity of life across generations, showing whether the future generations will prosper in the new plot or they will encounter misfortunes, perhaps even to the point of extinction or abandonment of the new house.[48]

Purification

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Traditionally kindled with rudimentary fire making tools and techniques, Zjarri i Gjallë, Zjarri i Egër, or Zjarri i Keq, is the ritual purifying Fire used for the cleansing, protection, healing, and energizing of livestock and humans.[19]

A traditional ritual practiced for the livestock protection or healing from possible diseases is to shroud them in smoke. It has been usually performed in the spring, before livestock goes out for grazing, in a fire traditionally made with rudimentary tools. For this purpose, in many cases, the fire is lit either with flints and reeds or by the friction of two sticks (hence referred to as Zjarri i Gjallë "Living Fire"). In some regions the sticks (of hazelnut, for instance) for fire making are traditionally obtained after being put on the ceiling of the house near the hearth fire for three years. Sticks dried in this way are traditionally rubbed by two young and powerful men. Some dried moss is also usually put in the point of friction, which is ignited by fire from the friction. From the flame caused by the friction of two pieces of wood, a big fire was made with scraps, rags and straw. Livestock are passed through the smoke of the fire thus created. In some cases, coals are taken from this fire, they are immersed and dissolved in water, and the mixture thus created is used to sprinkle the livestock.[49]

In traditional feasts

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The ritual collective fires (based on the house, kinship, or neighborhood) or bonfires in yards (especially on high places) lit before sunrise to celebrate the main traditional Albanian festivities such as Dita e Verës (spring equinox), Shëngjergji, the winter festivals (winter solstice), or mountain pilgrimages, often accompanied by animal sacrifices, are related to the cult of the Sun, and in particular they are practiced with the function to give strength to the Sun according to the old beliefs.[18]

The old pagan cult of the mountain and mountain tops is widespread among Albanians. Pilgrimages to sacred mountains take place regularly during the year. This ancient practice is still preserved today, notably in Tomorr, Pashtrik, Lybeten, Gjallicë, Rumia, Koritnik, Shkëlzen, Mount Krujë, Shelbuem, Këndrevicë, Maja e Hekurave, Shëndelli and many others. In Albanian folk beliefs the mountain worship is strictly related to the cult of Nature in general, and the cult of the Sun in particular.[50] Prayers to the Sun, ritual bonfires, and animal sacrifices have been common practices performed by Albanians during the ritual pilgrimage on mountain tops.[51]

A typical ritual practiced in the Opojë region before sunrise during major traditional festivities such as Dita e Verës (Verëza) or Shëngjergji consists in young people performing a dance on the "way of the Sun", in the east–west direction near the burning ritual fire, with which evil spirits, demons that endanger health, purification, prosperity, blessing and the beginning of the seasons are burned.[32]

Another ritual practiced during Dita e Verës in the Korçë region and called "Spring ritual" has been described as follows:[52]

"In the closed circle dance, having the fire in the center, the first ritual element is found, interlaced with choreographic motives, which classify this dance in the ritual category. The cult of fire, an important basic and ancient element, and the closed circle of the performers, a very important fact for the ritualistic choreography, create the main axis of the dance."

On the feast of Verëza, in Opojë girls go from house to house early in the morning, and two by two they go near the fire of the hearth and stir it saying to the lady of the house: Oj e zonja shpisë a e qite renin e flisë. Meanwhile, the lady of the house gives them two chicken eggs. In the morning of Verëza and Shëngjergji, the old lady of the house ties knots to the chain of the hearth and says an incantation formula, then she lights the fire, which with all its power burns the demons and evil.[53] Ashes are believed to have healing properties, especially when children have been taken by the evil eye they are washed on the ashes.[53]

Sacrificial offerings to the deities associated with the hearth are traditionally practiced by Albanians at feasts, by throwing some of the food they prepared into the fire of the domestic hearth and around the hearth.[54][42]

Lightning and storms

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During big storms with torrential rains, lightning and hail, which often cause great damage to agriculture, livestock, and to the rural economy in general, Albanians traditionally bring outdoors Fire as a continuous chain or in a container, as well as ember and fire-related metallic objects, seeking assistance from the supernatural power of the Fire, in order to turn the storm away and to avert the harms it can cause to the community.[55]

The practice has been interpreted either as a form of prayer to appease the weather god in order to turn the storm away, or an act to give strength to the divine hero drangue for his struggle against the kulshedra, the demon of darkness and evil that casues the storms. Indeed, Albanian folk beliefs regard the lightning as Zjarri i Qiellit ("the Fire of the Sky") and consider it as the "weapon of the deity" (arma/shtiza/pushka e zotit). An Albanian word to refer to the lightning is rrufeja, related to rhomphaia, an ancient polearm.[20]

A similar practice linking the lightning and the hearth fire is documented by 6th century BCE plaques from Lake Shkodra, which belonged to the Illyrian tribal area of what was referred in historical sources to as the Labeatae in later times. Each of those plaques portray simultaneously sacred representations of the sky and the sun, and symbolism of lighning and fire, as well as the tree of life and birds (eagles). In those plaques there is a mythological representation of the celestial deity: the Sun deity animated with a face and two wings, throwing lightning into a fire altar (the main thunderbolt that reaches the fire altar is also represented as a polearm at the extremity), which in some plaques is held by two men (sometimes on two boats).[56]

See also

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Sources

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Citations

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  1. ^ Durham 1928b, p. 122.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g Treimer 1971, p. 32.
  3. ^ Tagliavini 1963, p. 103; Treimer 1971, p. 32; Orel 1998, p. 88; Lurker 2005, p. 57; Koch 2015, p. 113; Sarao 2021, p. 13
  4. ^ Bonnefoy 1993, p. 253; Poghirc 1987, pp. 178–179 Tirta 2004, pp. 68–69, 135, 176–181, 249–261, 274–282, 327
  5. ^ Poghirc 1987, p. 179; Tirta 2004, pp. 176, 410; De Rapper 2012, pp. 14–15; Gjoni 2012, p. 90; Galaty et al. 2013, p. 161.
  6. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 68–69, 135, 176–181, 249–261, 274–282, 327; Qafleshi 2011, p. 49; Poghirc 1987, pp. 178–179; Hysi 2006, pp. 349–361.
  7. ^ a b c d e Lambertz 1973, p. 476.
  8. ^ Treimer 1971, p. 32; Lambertz 1973, p. 476; Poghirc 1987, p. 178; Lurker 2005, p. 57; Sarao 2021, p. 13.
  9. ^ Treimer 1971, p. 32; Lambertz 1973, p. 476; Poghirc 1987, p. 178; Orel 1998, p. 88; Koch 2015, p. 113.
  10. ^ Lambertz 1922, pp. 47, 49, 145–146; Stadtmüller 1954, pp. 216–217; Lambertz 1973, pp. 505–506.
  11. ^ Lurker 2004, p. 197; Stadtmüller 1954, pp. 216–217; Lambertz 1922, pp. 47, 49, 145–146.
  12. ^ a b Lambertz 1922, pp. 47, 49, 145–146.
  13. ^ Bonnefoy 1993, p. 253.
  14. ^ Hysi 2006, pp. 349–361.
  15. ^ a b Muka 1984, p. 29.
  16. ^ Poghirc 1987, p. 179; Tirta 2004, pp. 176, 410; De Rapper 2012, pp. 14–15; Gjoni 2012, p. 90; Galaty et al. 2013, p. 161.
  17. ^ Poghirc 1987, p. 179; Tirta 2004, pp. 68–69, 135, 176–181, 249–261, 274–282, 327.
  18. ^ a b Tirta 2004, pp. 75, 113, 116, 250.
  19. ^ a b Tirta 2004, pp. 279–281.
  20. ^ a b Tirta 2004, pp. 82, 406.
  21. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 82, 309; Brahaj 2007, pp. 16–18.
  22. ^ Yochalas 1980, p. 417.
  23. ^ a b Orel 1998, p. 88.
  24. ^ Lambertz 1973, p. 477.
  25. ^ a b c Tagliavini 1963, p. 103.
  26. ^ Srinivasan, Doris Meth (2024) [1997]. Many Heads, Arms and Eyes: Origin, Meaning and Form of Multiplicity in Indian Art. Studies in Asian Art and Archaeology. Vol. 20. Brill. ISBN 9789004644977.
  27. ^ Mahony, William K. (1998). The Artful Universe: An Introduction to the Vedic Religious Imagination. SUNY series in Hindu Studies. SUNY Press. ISBN 9780791435809.
  28. ^ Olsen & Thorsø 2022, p. 217.
  29. ^ Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 203; West 2007, p. 266
  30. ^ a b Lurker 2005, p. 57.
  31. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 68–69, 135, 176–181, 249–261, 274–282, 327.
  32. ^ a b c Qafleshi 2011, p. 49.
  33. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 68–69, 135, 176–181, 249–261, 274–282, 327; Qafleshi 2011, p. 49; Poghirc 1987, pp. 178–179; Hysi 2006, pp. 349–361.
  34. ^ Poghirc 1987, p. 179; Tirta 2004, pp. 68–69, 135, 176–181, 249–261, 274–282, 327.
  35. ^ a b c Durham 1928b, pp. 102–106.
  36. ^ Galaty et al. 2013, pp. 155–157; Tirta 2004, pp. 68–82; Elsie 2001, pp. 181, 244; Poghirc 1987, p. 178; Durham 1928a, p. 51; Durham 1928b, pp. 120–125.
  37. ^ Lurker 2004, p. 197; Stadtmüller 1954, pp. 216–217; Lambertz 1922, pp. 47, 49, 145–146.
  38. ^ Lambertz 1922, pp. 47, 49, 145–146; Stadtmüller 1954, pp. 216–217; Lambertz 1973, pp. 505–506.
  39. ^ Gjoni 2012, pp. 90–91.
  40. ^ Gjoni 2012, p. 91.
  41. ^ Poghirc 1987, p. 179; Tirta 2004, pp. 176, 410; De Rapper 2012, pp. 14–15; Gjoni 2012, p. 90; Galaty et al. 2013, p. 161.
  42. ^ a b c Poghirc 1987, p. 179.
  43. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 176, 410.
  44. ^ De Rapper 2012, pp. 14–15.
  45. ^ Galaty et al. 2013, p. 161.
  46. ^ Tirta 2004, p. 336.
  47. ^ Tirta 2004, p. 337.
  48. ^ a b Tirta 2004, p. 338.
  49. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 279–280.
  50. ^ Krasniqi 2014, pp. 4–5; Tirta 2004, pp. 75, 113, 116; Gjoni 2012, pp. 62, 85–86.
  51. ^ Tirta 2004, p. 75; Gjoni 2012, pp. 81–87.
  52. ^ Sela 2017, pp. 64–65.
  53. ^ a b Qafleshi 2011, p. 50.
  54. ^ Tirta 2004, pp. 177, 179.
  55. ^ Brahaj 2007, pp. 16–18; Tirta 2004, pp. 82, 309.
  56. ^ Brahaj 2007, pp. 16–18.

Bibliography

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