Je–Tupi–Carib languages

Je–Tupi–Carib (or TuKaJê[1]) is a proposed language family composed of the Macro-Je (or Macro-Gê), Tupian and Cariban languages of South America. Aryon Rodrigues (2000) based this proposal on shared morphological patterns.[2][3] In an earlier proposal, Rodrigues (1985) had also proposed a Tupí-Cariban language family.[4]

Je–Tupi–Carib
(proposed)
Geographic
distribution
eastern South America, Caribbean
Linguistic classificationProposed language family
Subdivisions
Language codes
GlottologNone

The Je-Tupi-Carib proposal replaces earlier long-range hypotheses, e.g. Greenberg's phyla "Jê-Pano-Carib" (linking Macro-Je and Cariban to Panoan) and "Tupi-Arawak" (linking Tupian to Arawakan),[5] or Mason's "Macro-Tupí-Guaranían" family (1950: 236–238) which groups Tupian together with Bora–Witoto and Zaparoan.[6]

However, in some cases, similarities among the language families are clearly due to more recent linguistic diffusion, as with Tupian and Jê languages (Timbira; Guajajara, Tembe, Guaja, Urubu-Ka'apor, etc.) in the lower Tocantins-Mearim area.[7] Linguistic diffusion among Jê, Tupian, Cariban, Arawakan, and Trumai languages is also evident among the languages of the Xingu Indigenous Park.[8]

Comparison

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Nikulin (2015)

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Comparison of Proto-Macro-Jê (with W = Proto-Western Macro-Jê; E = Proto-Eastern Macro-Jê), Proto-Tupí, and Proto-Karib from Nikulin (2015):[9]: 91–96 

Gloss Proto-Macro-Jê Proto-Tupí Proto-Karib
‘we’ *ka (W) *oɾʸe / *oɾʸo= (excl.),*Vy= (?) (incl.) *apina (excl.), *kɨwɨ-ɾə (incl.)
‘two’ *ɾey not reconstructible *atyəkə
‘I’ *iK=, *ba= (?) *õn / *o= *əwɨ-ɾə
‘eye’ *ⁿdʌm *=eča *=ənu
‘you’ *aC=, *ka= *ẽn / *e= *əmə-ɾə
‘fire’ *ʆɯm *=atʸa *wapoto (?)
‘tongue’ *ʆɔ̃ỹᵊtʌy / *ɲɔ̃ỹᵊtʌy *kʸũ *nuɾu
‘stone’ *kɾaT ~ *kɾaK *wita *təpu
‘name’ *(ʆi=)yit *=et *=ətetɨ
‘hand’ *ⁿbo *po / *ⁿpo *=əmiya
‘to die’ *tɯC *pap *ɾəməpə
‘to drink’ *ʆop / *yop *kʼu ‘to eat, to drink’ *ənɨɾɨ
‘louse’ *ⁿgot (E), *tit (W) (?) *ⁿkɨp *(w)ayamə
‘moon’ *Pãɲɔ̃t (E) *wačɨ *nunnə
‘nail’ *pṼ=ʆay *po=ape / *ⁿpo=ape *=amoti
‘blood’ *ʆVⁿbV / *yVⁿbV (W) *=Vʔɨ *munu (*mɨnu?)
‘one’ *piyit (E) not reconstructible *əwinə
‘tooth’ *ʆɔy / *yɔy *=ãỹ *=ə
‘new’ *tʌbⁿ not reconstructible not reconstructible
‘dry’ *tVgⁿ *ⁿkãŋ (Proto-TG-Awetí-Mawé) *umɨna (?)
‘liver’ *ⁿbaT ~ *ⁿbaK *pɨʔa *=əɾe
‘to eat’ *ku(C) *kʼu ‘to eat, to drink’ *ətəku
‘tail’ *ⁿbɯn *=uway *=kɨ (N)
‘this’ *toC not reconstructible *tə
‘hair’ *ʆi(C) (W) *=ap *(=e)tipotɨ
‘water’ *ⁿbiVk (W) (*koy ‘river’ (E)) *kʼɨ *tuna
‘nose’ *ʆĩya(C) / *ɲĩya(C) *ãpɨy *=əwna
‘not’ *tɔ̃T ~ *tɔ̃K *=ãm (suffix) *=ɾa, *=pɨɾa
‘mouth’ *ʆaɾᵊ(-kɔy) / *yaɾᵊ(-kɔy) *=ẽn *mɨta
‘ear’ *ʆĩp=pV(C) / *ɲĩp=pV(C) (W) *apɨ *pana
‘that’ *nã (W) (?) not reconstructible *mə
‘bird’ *pɾɤy(ᵊ) (E) (?),*ⁿbVkɾa(C) (W) not reconstructible *toɾono
‘bone’ *ʆik / *yik *kãŋ *ye
‘sun’ *Pãɲɔ̃t (E), *kɾV(M)PV(W) *ⁿkʷat *titi
‘tree’ *kop *kʼɨp *yeye
‘ashes’ *ⁿbɾʌk not reconstructible *əɾuno
‘to give’ *ʆɔ̃p / *ɲɔ̃p *=ũm *utu
‘rain’ *ⁿdVy *(ã)mãn *konopo
‘fish’ *mĩKnũ (W) *ɨp, *potʸ, *poɾʸɨp *woto, *kana
‘neck’ *ʆok- / *yok- *wut *pɨmɨ (N)
‘breast’ *kɤp ~ *kɛp (E) (?) *ⁿkãm *manatɨ
‘leaf’ *ʆoyᵊ (E), *ʆaɾɔ(C) (W) *=epʷ *yaɾe
‘to come’ *tɛ(C) (sg), *mɔ̃ŋ (pl) *wut (cf. also *acʼem ‘to arrive’) *ətepɨ
‘to kill’ *paT ~ *paK *aku (?) *wə
‘foot’ *paɾᵊ *pɨ / *ⁿpɨ *pupu
‘to sit’ *ɲɯ̃ p *in not reconstructible
‘root’ *ʆaɾet / *yaɾet *=apo (TG, Mundurukú) *mitɨ
‘horn’ *kop not reconstructible *ɾe(me)tɨ (N)
‘to fly’ *pɔ, *ʆɔ (W) not reconstructible not reconstructible
‘to hear’ *ⁿbak *=eⁿtup *əta
‘skin,bark’ *kɤ *pe *pi
‘long’ *ɾɯy *peɾeC (?) *mɨa
‘meat’ *ɲĩt *ẽt *punu
‘road’ *pɾɯt *pe / *ape *ətema
‘to know’ *ⁿbak not reconstructible *pu
‘egg’ *ⁿgɾɛ(C) *=upiʔa *pumo
‘seed’ *ʆɯm not reconstructible *epɨ (N)
‘knee’ *ʆVkɾã(ỹ) / *yVkɾã(ỹ) *=pɨ̃ʔã (?) *=ətyə=kumu (cf. Arara =pia=gumi / =pya=gumi)
‘head’ *kɾãỹ *ʔa *pu (N)
‘to sleep’ *ʆɔ̃tᵊ / *ɲɔ̃tᵊ *kʸet *wənɨkɨ
‘to burn’ *pokᵊ *pɨkʼ *iatu
‘to bite’ *pɾop ~ *pɾʌp *čukʼu *əte(ka)
‘fat’ *tɔbⁿ *kʸap *katɨ
‘man’ *ⁿbɯn *aɨče *wəkɨɾɨ (N)
‘all’ *=pV (?) not reconstructible, cf. PTG *=pap ‘completive’ not reconstructible
‘snake’ *kaŋã *ⁿboy *əkəyu
‘to see’ *ⁿbVp (?) *cup *əne
‘heavy’ *kuʆɯ(C) *pocɨy *əwoti-
‘to go’ *tɛ(C) (sg), *mɔ̃ŋ (pl) *co *tə
‘cold’ *yiyi(C) (W) *cik ~ *čik *komiti
‘cloud’ *ⁿgVkᵊ (E) (?), *ⁿbVV (W) not reconstructible not reconstructible
‘far’ *ɾɯy not reconstructible *mɨa (N), *paki (S)
‘good’ *ⁿbɛȶᵊ (E) not reconstructible *kuɾe
‘mountain’ *kɾãỹ *cuʔa ~ *čuʔa *(w)ɨpɨ
‘wind’ *kokᵊ *ɨpʷɨtu *apitetune
‘belly’ *tikᵊ (E) *=ɨʔe ~ *=eʔo (?) *waku (N)

Nikulin (2019)

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Jê-Tupí-Cariban basic vocabulary listed by Nikulin (2019):[10]

  • ‘to go’: p-Tupian *to, p-Bororo *tu, p-Cariban *[wɨ]tə[mə]
  • ‘arm’: p-Mundurukú *paʔ, p-Macro-Jê *paC, Chiquitano pa-, p-Kariri *bo(ro-), p-Cariban *apə-rɨ
  • ‘foot’: p-Tupian *py, p-Macro-Jê *pVrV, p-Bororo *bure, Kariri *bɨ(ri-), (?) Chiquitano pope-, (?) p-Cariban *pupu-ru
  • ‘seed’: p-Tuparí-Karitiana *j-upa, p-Cariban *əpɨ (*-tɨpə)
  • ‘stone’: p-Macro-Jê *kra(C), p-Kariri *kro
  • ‘tree’: p-Bororo *i, p-Kariri *dzi
  • ‘to sleep’: p-Jabutí *nũtã, Chiquitano a-nu, p-Bororo *unutu / *-nutu, p-Kariri *-unu, (?) p-Macro-Jê *ũtᵊ

Nikulin (2023)

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Nikulin (2023) identifies the following cognates in Macro-Jê and Tupian as further evidence for a Macro-Jê–Tupian family.[11]

Good distribution in both families
Gloss Proto-Macro-Jê Proto-Tupian
3rd person non-coreferential prefix *i- / *c- *i- / *c-
‘meat, flesh’ *ĩt / *-ñĩt *ẽT / *-jẽT
‘to stand’ *ja (nonfinite *-ja-m) *-ja or *-ʔãP
‘name’ *-jet *-jeT
‘father’ *-jo₂m *-joP
‘pus’ *-jo₂w° *-joP ‘fish roe, pus’
‘tooth’ *-juñ° *-jãC
‘to ingest’ (‘to eat/drink’) *-ko₂ *-ꝁo
‘tree, tree-like object (leg, horn, bone)’ *(-)ky₁m° *(-)ꝁɯP
‘liver’ *-mbâ *-pɨ(-)ʔa / *mbɨ(-)ʔa
‘smoke’ *-ñĩjə̂k *-jĩːK
‘feces’ *-ñV˜ t° *-jV˜ T
‘earth’ *ŋgyN° *ꝁɯC
‘arm’ *-pa ‘arm, branch’ *-pə / *mbə ‘hand, vine-like’,
*-pə-ʔa / *mbə-ʔa ‘arm’
‘foot’ *-pâr° *-pɨ / *mbɨ
‘to burn, to set on fire’ *(-)py₁k° ~ *(-)py₁ŋ° *-pɯK
3rd person coreferential prefix *ta- *tə-
‘to give’ *-ũp *-õP
‘to go up, to rise’ *-we(C) *-we(ː)P
Good distribution in Macro-Jê only
Gloss Proto-Macro-Jê Tupian
‘hole’ *-kuñ° Proto-Mundurukuan *-kã̰j
‘ripe’ *-ndêp° Tuparí -tep
‘to kill’ *-wĩ Karo -
Good distribution in Tupian only
Gloss Proto-Tupian Macro-Jê
‘bitter’ *-ðəP Proto-Cerrado *-ndap ‘sour, bitter’
‘to do, to say, to be like this’ *-ꝁe Proto-Southern Jê *kê / *ke
‘white’ *-ǩɨT Proto-Cerrado *-kaː
‘husband’ *-mẽT Proto-Macro-Jê *-mbi₂n (Eastern)
‘I’ *o- Proto-Cerrado *wa
‘to wake up’ *-paK Proto-Jabutian *-pa
‘heavy’ *-pətɨC Maxakalí -ptux
‘to go’, ‘to come’ *-tẽP ‘to exit’, *-ʔatẽP ‘to arrive’ Proto-Macro-Jê *tẽ (nonfinite *-tẽ-m or *-tẽ-n) ‘to go, to come’ (Eastern)
‘to arrive’ *-wɯC ‘to go out, to arrive’ Proto-Cerrado *wôc, nonfinite *-wôc
Limited distribution in both families
Gloss Macro-Jê Tupian
‘bat’ Proto-Goyaz *nĵêp Proto-Tupian *jɯP (Kepkiriwat and Mondé)
‘to dig’ Proto-Macro-Jê *-kut (Eastern only) Proto-Mundurukuan *-ɟ e-kot
‘to enter’ Proto-Jê *ŋgê₂ (plural only) Proto-Tupian *-ke ~ *-ǩe (Eastern)
‘to pierce’ Proto-Cerrado *-pôk (sg.), *-japôk (pl.) Proto-Tupi–Guaranian *-puK
‘son’ Proto-Chiquitano *´-tsay Proto-Tuparian *-jaʔɨP or Proto-Mawé–Guaranian *-caʔɨT
‘sour’ Proto-Jê *-jôK ‘sour, salty’ Karitiana -syk
‘sweet’ Proto-Macro-Jê *-jə̂ñ (Eastern) Tuparí -hoy

Non-cognate lookalikes or loans are identified by Nikulin (2023) as:

  • ‘flat’: Proto-Mawé–Guaranian *-peːP and Ofayé -ɸiʔ
  • ‘to kill’: Ofayé -kə˜jʔ, Proto-Chiquitano *kõˀõj- ‘to kill, to die’, and Awetí -kỹj
  • ‘liquid’: Proto-Tupian *ʔɯ / *-j-ɯ and Proto-Jabutian *-y
  • ‘louse’: Proto-Macro-Jê *-ŋgy₁n° (Eastern only) and Proto-Core Mondé *giT
  • ‘neck’: Proto-Tupian *-woT and Proto-Cerrado *-mbut
  • ‘powder, paste’: Proto-Tupian *-jõʔõP and Proto-Jabutian *-nũ
  • ‘thorn’: Proto-Macro-Jê *-ñĩn° ~ *-ñĩñ° and Tuparí

Macro-Chaco hypothesis

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Nikulin (2019) suggests a Macro-Chaco hypothesis linking Jê-Tupí-Cariban (including Karirian and Bororoan) with Mataco-Guaicuruan (possibly including Zamucoan):[10]

In addition to likely shared morphology, there are also various possible Macro-Chaco shared basic vocabulary items, listed below.[10]

  • ‘tooth’: p-Tupian *j-ãc, p-Tupian *j-uñ, p-Bororo *o, Chiquitano oʔo-, p-Cariban *jə, p-Kariri *dza, p-Guaicurú *-owe
  • ‘liquid’: p-Tupian *j-ɯ, Chiquitano uʔu- ‘honey’, p-Matacoan *-ʔi
  • ‘name’: p-Tupian *j-et, p-Tupian *-jet, p-Bororo *idʒe, Kariri *dze, p-Matacoan *-ej, p-Zamocoan *i, (?) Chiquitano ɨri-
  • ‘blood’: p-Tupian *əɯ, p-Tupian *j-O, p-Matacoan *’woj-, p-Guaicurú *-awot, Ayoreo ijo
  • ‘seed’: pre-pMundurukú *j-a, p-Tupian *j-əm, p-Bororo *a, Chiquitano ijo-, p-Chiquitano *a, p-Matacoan *-oʔ, p-Guaicurú -a ‘fruit’

Reconstructed pronominal affixes of the protolanguages of the Macro-Chaco families are given in the following table:[citation needed]

GLOSS Macro-
Tupí
Macro-
Proto-
Carib
Mataco-
Guaicurú
1st
singular
wi-, o-, ɨ-
*a-, *sʲe- [TG]
*ʔi-, yo- *ɨwɨ (ind.)
*ʧi- (A)
*y-
2nd
singular
*e- (A)
*né- [TG](O)
*ʔa-, gʷa- *m(ɨ)- (A)
*a(y)- (O)
*a-
3rd
singular
*o- [TG](A)
*i-, *ts- [TG](O)
*i-, ɛ- *kiʧɨ- (A)
*k(i)- (O)
*i-
1st
plural
*ku- *qo-
2nd
plural
*pe(ye)- *ka- *qa-
3rd
plural

In this table the forms marked with (A) refer to ergative/agentive case, and the forms marked with (O) are referred to absolutive/patient/experiencer case.

References

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  1. ^ Michael, Lev (2021). "The Classification of South American Languages". Annual Review of Linguistics. 7 (1): 329–349. doi:10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011619-030419. ISSN 2333-9683. S2CID 228877184.
  2. ^ Rodrigues A. D., 2000, "‘Ge–Pano–Carib’ X ‘Jê–Tupí–Karib’: sobre relaciones lingüísticas prehistóricas en Sudamérica", in L. Miranda (ed.), Actas del I Congreso de Lenguas Indígenas de Sudamérica, Tome I, Lima, Universidad Ricardo Palma, Facultad de lenguas modernas, p. 95–104.
  3. ^ Rodrigues, Aryon D. (2009). "A case of affinity among Tupí, Karíb, and Macro-Jê". Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica. 1: 137–162. doi:10.26512/rbla.v1i1.12289.
  4. ^ Rodrigues, Aryon. 1985. Evidence for Tupi-Carib relationships. In South American Indian Languages: Retrospect and Prospect, ed. HE Manelis Klein, LR Stark, pp. 371–404. Austin: University of Texas Press.
  5. ^ Urban, Greg; Sherzer, Joel (1988). "The Linguistic Anthropology of Native South America". Annual Review of Anthropology. 17: 283–307. doi:10.1146/annurev.an.17.100188.001435. JSTOR 2155915.
  6. ^ Mason, J. Alden. 1950. The languages of South America. In: Julian Steward (ed.), Handbook of South American Indians, Volume 6, 157–317. (Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 143.) Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
  7. ^ Cabral, Ana Suelly Arruda Câmara; Beatriz Carreta Corrêa da Silva; Maria Risolta Silva Julião; Marina Maria Silva Magalhães. 2007. Linguistic diffusion in the Tocantins-Mearim area. In: Ana Suelly Arruda Câmara Cabral; Aryon Dall’Igna Rodrigues (ed.), Línguas e culturas Tupi, p. 357–374. Campinas: Curt Nimuendaju; Brasília: LALI.
  8. ^ Seki, Lucy. 2011. Alto Xingu: uma área linguística? In: Franchetto, Bruna (ed.), Alto Xingu: uma sociedade multilíngue, p. 57-85. Rio de Janeiro: Museu do Índio/FUNAI. (in Portuguese)
  9. ^ Nikulin, Andrey. 2015. On the genetic unity of Jê-Tupí-Karib (Верификация гипотезы о же-тупи-карибском генетическом единстве). Diploma thesis, Lomonosov Moscow State University.
  10. ^ a b c Nikulin, Andrey V. 2019. The classification of the languages of the South American Lowlands: State-of-the-art and challenges / Классификация языков востока Южной Америки. Illič-Svityč (Nostratic) Seminar / Ностратический семинар, Higher School of Economics, October 17, 2019.
  11. ^ Nikulin, Andrey. "Lexical evidence for the Macro-Jê–Tupian hypothesis" (PDF). Journal of Language Relationship. 21 (1): 3–56.