Talk:Communist Party of Thailand

Beginning Rewrite

I will start working on a rewrite of this page. Sources I will be using:
Rituals of National Loyalty (1997) by Katherine Bowie
The Thai Radical and the Communist Party (1983) by Yuangrat Wedel
“Political Oppositions and Regime Change in Thailand” (1996) by Kevin Hewison in Political Oppositions in Industrialising Asia
“The Revolutionary Strategy of the Communist Party of Thailand" (1984) by Kanok Wongtrangan in Armed Communist Movements in Southeast Asia
“The Tradition of Urban Working Class Struggle in Thailand” (1995) by Ji Ungpakorn
“History and Policy of the Communist Party of Thailand” (1978) by Patrice de Beer
“Radicalism after Communism in Thailand and Indonesia” (1993) by Benedict Anderson
"An Internal History of the Communist Party of Thailand" (2003) published by Somsak Jeamteerasakul
Anyone else interested, please help with further sources, especially Thai language, as my Thai skills are quite rusty.--Goldsztajn 09:17, 20 May 2007 (UTC)

Additions

Not to interfere with Goldzstajn's rewrite, I'll add textpieces here that can be introduced in the main article later:

From "Factors Influencing Relations between the Communist Parties" [2]:

• Prior to the formation of the CPT, the Chinese Communist Party of Thailand [was this the CPC branch in Thailand or a separate party???] had been active amongst ethnically Chinese in Thailand. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, most of the Chinese communists in the country joined the CPT.

• CPT was legal for a brief period from 1946 to 1948.

• Thai Patriotic Front was launched on January 1, 1965.

• Armed struggle began in 1965. Initially, the armed struggle of the party consisted only of a few isolated attacks in the north eastern parts of the country.

• In the Sino-Soviet split, CPT sided with the Communist Party of China. Ideologically, it aligned with Maoism. In 1961 it formulated a policy of armed struggle along the lines of the Chinese experience, which was brought public in 1964. The party condemned the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as revisionist and social imperialist. As of 1966, relations with the Communist Party of Vietnam began to deteriorate, as CPT criticized CPV for to taking a clear pro-China stance.

• The increasing repression after the military coup made it possible for the CPT to expand its membership base. Many of the new recruits were students, workers, intellectuals, farmers or cadres of the Socialist Party of Thailand. A large section of the newly recruited members received political and military training in CPT camps in Laos. Instructors were Thai, Laotian and Vietnamese.

• By 1977, its estimated that the party had around 6-8000 armed fighters, and about a million sympathizers. Half of the provinces were declared 'communist infiltrated' by official Thai sources at the time.

• Following the expansion of its membership, CPT began to stretch out a hand to wider sections of Thai society for forming a broad democratic front. On September 28, 1977 the Committee for Coordinating

Patriotic and Democratic Forces was founded. --Soman 20:57, 21 May 2007 (UTC)

From 'Thailand: Toward Fundamental Change' [3]

• In July 1969 nine CPT members were arrested, including a high-ranking Central Committee member. The arrested were presented by government as a crucial victory over the party.

From 'Thailand in 1983: Democracy, Thai Style Suchitra Punyaratabandhu-Bhakdi Asian Survey, Vol. 24, No. 2, A Survey of Asia in 1983: Part II. (Feb., 1984), pp. 187-194. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28198402%2924%3A2%3C187%3ATI1DTS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4'

• In 1980 the Thai government adopted a government order, "66/2523", encouraging CPT cadres to defect. In 1982-1983 CPT experienced mass defections of its cadres, and its military potential was severly reduced.

From 'Border Politics and the Broader Politics of Thailand's International Relations in the 1990s: From Communism to Capitalism Paul Battersby Pacific Affairs, Vol. 71, No. 4. (Winter, 1998-1999), pp. 473-488. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0030-851X%28199824%2F199924%2971%3A4%3C473%3ABPATBP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Y'

• Even though the CPT was riddled with internal divisions, at its political peak the party effectively acted as a state within the state. Its rural supported is estimated to have been at least four million strong and maintaining 10-14 000 armed fighers.

From 'Insurgency in Northeast Thailand: A New Cause for Alarm Stephen I. Alpern Asian Survey, Vol. 15, No. 8. (Aug., 1975), pp. 684-692. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28197508%2915%3A8%3C684%3AIINTAN%3E2.0.CO%3B2-R'

• The policy of armed struggle adopted in 1961.

• In October 1964, in a congruatulatory message on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the People's Republic of China, CPT openly sided with the Communist Party of China. Also in 1964, the CPT radio station, Voice of the People of Thailand, declared the formation of the Thailand Independence Movement with the objection of expelling US military forces from Thailand and deposing the Thanom cabinet.

• Armed attacks began in 1964.

• The TPF had a six-point programme for peace and neutrality. The Front called for the formation of a patriotic and democratic government, and opposed the Thai government and US troop presence in Thailand. TPF was to fill the role of the popular front in the triangular setting of the people's war strategy (party-army-front).

• In 1965, armed struggle was intensified in Nae Kae District, Nakhon Phanom Province. A series of small scale attacks on government installations was carried out.

• In 1969, the Supreme Command of the Thai People's Liberation Army was formed, marking a new phase in the build-up of guerrilla forces.

• Opposition to US military presence in Thailand was of high importance to the political discourse of the CPT during the Vietnam War. In the analysis of CPT, Thailand was a neocolonial country under the direct control of the US. Emphasis was given to struggle for national independence.

• According to Alpern, deep-rooted individualism and distrust towards collective organizing obstructed the appeal of the CPT to mobilize the Thai peasantry.

From 'China and Southeast Asian Communist Movements: The Decline of Dual Track Diplomacy William R. Heaton Asian Survey, Vol. 22, No. 8. (Aug., 1982), pp. 779-800. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28198208%2922%3A8%3C779%3ACASACM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4'

• Voice of People's Thailand, a CPT radio station, was established in southern China in March 1962.

• In August 1965, VOPT declared that 'an era of armed struggle' had begun.

• By 1965 the party is estimated to have had around 1200 fighter, 5000 in 1973 and 10000 in 1979. The areas of influence of its armed forces were found in pockets in the north, north eastern and southern parts of the country.

• When Thailand and PRC established diplomatic relations in 1975, an announcement on VOPT hailed this development.

• On May 7, 1977 the Socialist Party of Thailand declared that it would cooperate in armed struggle with the CPT. On July 2 the two parties declared the formation of a united front.

• On October 4 VOPT declared the formation of the Committee for Coordination of Patriotic and Democracy-Loving Forces on September 28. The front included the CPT, SPT and the Socialist Unity Front Party. Alinged with the CPT at the time were also the Thai Moslem People's Liberation Armed Forces and the National Student Center of Thailand.

• as of 1977, the First Secretary of CPT was Mit Samanan.

• Initially, CPT adopted a neutral stance in the emerging conflict between Kampuchea and Vietnam, causing relations to deterriotate with both the Chinese and the Vietnamese parties. However, as Vietnam intervened militarily in Kampuchea, CPT condemned the Vietnames in a statement on June 7, 1979.

• As diplomatic and trade relations between Thailand and China improved, and Thai and Chinese governments found a common enemy in pro-Soviet Vietnam, the support for the CPT on behalf of the Chinese declined. On July 10 1979 VOPT declared that it would cease to its broadcasting service. On July 11 the last VOPT broadcast was transmitted. Renmin Ribao carried a congratualtory message from CPT on the 30th anniversary of the PRC on September 30, which called for militant unity between Thai and Chinese communists.

• In March 1981 the Socialist Party of Thailand broke its relation with the CPT, claiming that CPT was controlled by foreign influences.

• In April 1981 the CPT leadership proposed the Thai government to initiate peace talks. The Thai government responded that the CPT fighters had to demobilize before any talks could be initiated.

From 'Thailand's Revolutionary Insurgency: Changes in Leadership Potential David Morell; Chai-anan Samudavanija Asian Survey, Vol. 19, No. 4. (Apr., 1979), pp. 315-332. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28197904%2919%3A4%3C315%3ATRICIL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T'

• The repression on student activists in October 1976 meant that student leaders and intellectuals joined CPT. 1000+ students joined the party. Most elected campus representative throughout the country joined the party. This resulted in changing the profile of the party, from being dominated by ethnically Chinese to Thais. The entry of leftist intellectuals to the party strengthened its capability to pursue united front policies.

• Nine member coordination committee formed on September 28, 1977. Members were

Udom Srisuwan Chairman (Member of the CPT Central Committee) Boonyen Wothong Vice Chairman (SPT) Monkon Na Nakhon Committee Member (CPT) Therdphum Chaidee Committee Member Sithon Yotkantha Committee Member (farmers movement) Samak Chalikun Committee Member (Socialist Front Party) Chamni Sakdiseth Committee Member Sri Inthapathi Committee Member and Spokesman (formerly working for the Public Relations Department of the government) Thirayut Boonmi Committee Member and Secretary (students movement) (editor of Samakhi Surop (United to Fight), a magazine being circulated among students and intellectuals both in Thailand and abroad.)

• In many cases, students used to urban life had difficulties adopting to the harsh realities of guerrilla struggle, and thus the party decided to place many of them in villages rather in the deep jungles. The new student recruits were divided in groups of five to ten, which were distributed along the approximately 250 'liberated villages' of the country.

From 'General Prem Survives on a Conservative Line Surachai Sirikrai Asian Survey, Vol. 22, No. 11. (Nov., 1982), pp. 1093-1104. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28198211%2922%3A11%3C1093%3AGPSOAC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8'

• In a declaration on October 25, 1981 Major General Chaowalit Yongchaiyuth, the director of the

Thai Army Operations Department, that the war against CPT armed forces was approaching its end as all major bases of the PLAT in the North and North-East had been destroyed.

• [the government order above can be labelled as an 'amnesty']

• CPT considered Thailand to be a semi-colonial or semi-feudal society [in contradiction to claims of 'neocolonial' above?]

• Many of those that defected in the early 1980s were the students and intellectuals that joined CPT after 1976. Those defectees rejected Maoist ideological positions of the CPT, arguing that Thailand was emerging as an industrial nation and the peasant war strategy had to be abandoned.

• At the time, the arrests of two high-profile CPT leaders occured. Damri Ruangsutham, influencial politburo member, and Surachai Sae Dan, a leading figure of the party in southern Thailand, were captured by state forces.

• During the Sino-Vietnamese conflict over Kampuchea in 1978, Laos sided with Vietnam. As a result, CPT were expelled from its bases in Laos, resulting in a military backlash for the party.

• Bunyen Worthong and a small section of other ex-student leaders/intellectuals broke away from CPT and formed Pak Mai (New Party), a communist party that supported Vietnam. Pak Mai was based in Laos.

• [At the time of closing VOPT] China also cut down on material supplies to CPT.

From 'Possible and Impossible Solutions to Ethnic Civil Wars Chaim Kaufmann International Security, Vol. 20, No. 4. (Spring, 1996), pp. 136-175. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0162-2889%28199621%2920%3A4%3C136%3APAISTE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N'

• Notably, whilst Hmong people in Laos tended to side with anti-communist forces, the CPT was able to build a strong base amongst Hmong people in Thailand.

From 'Rewriting Cambodian History to 'Adapt' It to a New Political Context: The Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party's Historiography (1979-1991) K. Viviane Frings Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 4. (Oct., 1997), pp. 807-846. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-749X%28199710%2931%3A4%3C807%3ARCHT%27I%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N'

• "while Pol Pot's Deputy, Nuon Chea, came from the Thai Communist Party."
• In August 1979, the general secretary of CPT was Khamtan. (Phayom Chulanont)

From [4]:

• A CPT delegation attended the 2nd national congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam in Tuyen Quang in February 1951.

From [5]

• General secretary of the party (in 1961) was Prasong Wongwiwat.

From [6]

• 'Thai Isan Liberation Party' (=Pak Mai) was founded in Vientiane on October 22 1979.

• In January 1979, prior to Chinese attack on Vietnam, the Laotian government ordered CPT to leave Laos.

More additions...

• In 1960, the party attended the International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties held in Moscow.
• [Somewhere there ought to be a wikilink to 6 October 1976 Massacre ]

Speleothem inside Ta Ko Bi Cave, a cave in Amphoe Umphang, which was used as a base by CPT guerrillas

• From [7]: "The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Siam was estimated to have 2,000 full members with another 3,000 adherents. Since October, 1946, it has been a legal party with its main strength in the urban areas. It has successfully penetrated the Central Labour Union and had considerable influence among Chinese students. Its interests were primarily with the struggle in China, although after the November 1947 Coup it is reported to have offered the Free Thais 900 armed men to help in staging a counter-coup."
• During its initial phase of existance, the Communist Party of Siam remained a small party. It was mainly based amongst intellectuals in Bangkok and the services. By early 1948, British intelligence sources deemed reports that the party would have had 3000 members nationwide as 'exaggerated'.
• [As of 1968, the party hq was in Beijing. see [8] ]
• ["Thailand's relationship with China has not always been so vital – only in 1975 did the two countries restore diplomatic links. China's support for the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) and its insurgency from the post-war period until the 1970s was a major stumbling block. But as America decreased its commitment in South Vietnam under President Nixon's policy of forcing the Saigon government to assume more and more responsibility, Thailand reconsidered its options. Mindful that the non-communist states in Southeast Asia were in real trouble, and the strong possibility that there were limits to what Washington would do to save them, Thailand forged a relationship with China. Part of this courtship involved Thailand's toleration of Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, which Bangkok recognized. In December 1978, when Vietnam invaded Cambodia, China and Thailand formed a tight relationship that revolved around support for the armed opposition to Vietnamese rule. China and Thailand cooperated extensively in funneling provisions and materiel to the Khmer Rouge, while China ended all support for the CPT."], from [9]
• [According to [10], CPT HQ was in Phu Hin Rong Kla 1972-1982.]
• [According to [11] Security Services claimed that CPT was led by Charoen Wanngam เจริญ วรรณงาม, ('Boosaba'), previously a communist leader in Nakhon Phanom. The article also mentions that CPT did conscioucly not present its leadership to the public]
• From [12] ["The need to address political and social conditions underlying armed struggles led by the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) in many parts of the country and the ethnic Malay Muslim separatist insurgency in the southern border provinces prompted the Thai government to review its security and counterinsurgency policy. Then-Prime Minister Gen. Prem Tinsulananda issued two executive orders, numbers 66/2523 (in 1980) and 65/2525 (in 1982) respectively, resulting in a potent combination of military operations and political-socioeconomic measures that aimed to remove grievances and causes that had sparked the fight against Thai authorities in the first place."]

References

General Secretary

I'm trying to dechifer the listing of general secretaries at Thai wiki, but all help in this would be appreciated. What I can understand (via http://www.thai2english.com) is that Mit Samanan (Jaoroen Wan-ngam) became g.s in 1961 and that there was a new g.s. in 1982. At this point it seems that Mit Samanan and Khamtan could be the same person, as they are both mentioned in other sources as general secretaries and died in Beijing around the same time. --Soman 12:12, 4 July 2007 (UTC)

On the Thai version of this page the names listed under the section รายชื่อเลขาธิการพรรค (secretaries of the party) are as follows, these are my transliterations:

2485/1942: Pitchit Sukothai (Juso Walim, Payap Angkasing)

2495/1952: Prasong Wongwiwat (Trong Nopkun)

2504/1961: Mit Samanan (Jaerin Wanngam)

2525/1982: Pracha Tanyabaiboon (Tong Jaemsri)

My sense is that your conclusion about Mit Samanan and Khamtan being the same person would be correct based on the fact that Pichit Sukothai was most probably actually Li Chin Sin (aka Bun Tech Chai) founder of the Communist Party of Malaya and sent to Thailand in 1940 to set up the CPT. My point being people at this time had so many aliases that it is more than likely that when different people are listed as doing the same thing at the same time in the same place...more than likely the same person.--Goldsztajn 22:00, 18 July 2007 (UTC)

Doing a little more digging, I think my initial impression was wrong, perhaps Khamtan and Mit Samanan are different persons. See this nation article from 2006 [13] and this Phayom Chulanont (alias Khamtan) which mentions only being a CC member.--Goldsztajn 03:10, 19 July 2007 (UTC)

"Bomber bases"

While the US Air Force had a number of air bases in Thailand, it had only one bomber base, at the Utapao RTN Air Base. It was penetrated by saboteurs only once, and they failed to do any significant damage. While the source cited does support the statement, "PLAT forces intensified their operations, including attacks on US Air Force bomber bases in the country," the statement is correct only if the word "bomber" is deleted, or changed to "air." But I'm not gonna mess with it any more. Pawyilee (talk) 14:11, 22 February 2008 (UTC)

Relevance disputed

Relevance of section 1930s – 1940s background and See also United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship have been disputed as irrelevant or tenuous. I'll admit to the latter and will try to establish relevance. I'll also admit that the section needs a substantial re-write to make it shorter and more to the point. Write now this is just a notice that I'm working on it. I'm in a remote village in Thailand with a slow connection via cell phone, and it will take me a while to get my $#!† together. For starters, I have no access to Goldsztajn's sources, but judging strictly by the titles, there may not be much in them about the 20's and 30's, and that may be why the statement communist activism in the country began as early as 1927 is unsourced, even though factual. I have read Win Lyovarin#Novels Democracy, Shaken and Stirred, which covers the same period as CPT activity in Thailand, which notes extrajudicial killings of political opponents as "communist" to such an extent that in today's Thai, it means someone who needs killing and is even applied to U-No-Who. The book is reviewed here. Note Ho Chi Minh was educated in Paris at the same time as Pibun and Pridi, then stayed in the Thai village of Nachok 1929 - 31. The tenuous link to the UDD is their use of Red and, since their victory in the last election, changing the English-language name of the party to include "Front." A firmer link could be established if only I had a list of surviving CPT members. --Pawyilee (talk) 08:14, 23 October 2011 (UTC)

None of the material repasted to the article has to do with the Communist Party, nor are there any WP:RS which are pertinent to the Communist Party. (This is why I deleted it in the first place). The much more important context to the emergence of the CPS/CPT at this time is the Chinese diaspora communities in South East Asia and the Nanyang Party. Siam's elite in the 1920s and 1930s of course accused anybody oppposed to the absolute monarchy as being a commmunist (the Anti-Commuist Act effectively gave carte blanche for repression to any kind of democratic/social reform). The fact that Pridi and Pibun were in Paris in the 1930s only tells one something about France and its colonial relations, nothing about communism. People who jointly studied in Moscow in the 30s would be much more pertinent here.--Goldsztajn (talk) 23:00, 23 October 2011 (UTC)

Logo?

I'm a bit concerned over the logo added, File:Communist Party of Thailand.jpg. The bilingual design appears to be from a supposed later incarnation or a design created for modern social media. Would the CPT have used English in their graphics? The source is an online forum (pantip), without any attribution of source it appears? --Soman (talk) 13:28, 12 March 2021 (UTC)

Personally I have never seen any evidence suggesting the CPT ever had an official logo, let alone one that is distinct from the hammer and sickle used in their flag. Furthermore, knowledge of english in Thailand even today is fairly low, it would have been practically non-existant in pre-90s Thailand. I have also never seen any evidence of a new CPT being created after the mysterious disappearance of the CPT in the 80s/90s. Unless someone is trying to refound the CPT right now, I would suggest this logo is completely fictional! Vif12vf/Tiberius (talk) 14:37, 12 March 2021 (UTC)

The logo is from a rejected application in 2018.[14] --Paul_012 (talk) 15:27, 12 March 2021 (UTC)

In other words, it clearly does not belong in this article, or even on wikipedia at all for that matter. This also means the uploader uploaded someone elses work without permission! Vif12vf/Tiberius (talk) 16:51, 12 March 2021 (UTC)

The design doesn't really have original elements, so it might not be original enough to be copyrightable. I've adjust the tagging on Commons as such, but maybe a deletion discussion could take place. --Paul_012 (talk) 23:25, 12 March 2021 (UTC)