Talk:KDPI insurgency (1989–1996)

Separatism

Separatism-related templates, links and categories have been excluded from article since reliable sources don't call insurgency as separatism:

Significantly, the KDPI and Komala have never advocated a separate Kurdish state or greater Kurdistan, as did the PKK in its early years.

In Romano, David (2006): The Kurdish Nationalist Movement, Cambridge University Press, 2006, ISBN 9780521850414, p. 240 --HistorNE (talk) 17:18, 15 August 2013 (UTC)

KDPI is explicitly described as a separatist organization at least until 1996 (thus including this insurgency):

• Blin et al p.228 [1]

Uppsala University conflict encyclopedia classifies KDPI struggle as separatism until 1996; quote "The conflict between KDPI (Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran) and the Iranian government began in 1946 and has been active during several periods up to 1996. The incompatibility concerned the status of the Iranian Kurdistan." [2].Greyshark09 (talk) 20:34, 20 August 2013 (UTC)

Gloria Center of IDC put the perspective of KDPI insurgency as a direct continuation of the nationalist 1979 rebellion, quote "Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, struggles for independence in the Kurdish regions continued. The Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), Komala, and the Kurdish branch of the Fadayan launched a well-organized rebellion in 1979. The Iranian regime responded harshly with the banning of the KDPI, followed by an armed campaign against the Kurds. During the Iran-Iraq War, both sides became engaged in ongoing violence in order to bring the Kurdish areas under their own control. Hence, Iran was faced with a rebellion in Iranian Kurdistan supported by Iraq. They were put down through a systematic campaign of repression. In 1983, the PUK agreed to cooperate with Saddam by signing an autonomy agreement. However, the KDP remained opposed. In 1985, the PUK and the KDP joined forces. This led to widespread guerilla warfare in Iraqi Kurdistan until the end of the war in 1988. Attempts to negotiate a settlement on Kurdish autonomy with the Iranian government resulted in the assassination of Kurdish leaders. The KDPI leader, Abd al-Rahman Qasimlu, was assassinated in 1989. Iranian Kurdish opposition leader (Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, PDKI) Sadiq Sharafkandi and three other Iranian dissidents were killed in the Mykonos Restaurant in Berlin in 1992. The minister of intelligence at the time, Ali Fallahian, was the only official named in the Mykonos verdict, which revealed the high-level government involvement in this political assassination."[3]

Roger Haward specifically names KDPI insurgency in 1990s as "separatist" - quote (in relation to year 1996) "Central to the calculations of the Iranian commanders was their ability to strike at the forces of a militant separatist group - KDPI, that had in recent years waged a low-level but costly guerilla against the Iranian military from the relative safety of its bases... "[4]

Indeed some sources put little attention on KDPI activity after the defeat of 1979 rebellion:

According to Smith "There has been almost no Kurdish political activity in Iran since the early 1980s, despite the glowing success to the west of Iraqi Kurds since the 1991 Gulf War."

There is probably some discrepancy between various authors on the essence of separatism, though most agree that seeking autonomy is separatism as well (Nagel in The Conditions of Ethnic Separatism: The Kurds in Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. quote "Separatism is seen to include attempts by an ethnic group to achieve complete independence from the nation in which it resides. It can also include efforts to increase group autonomy ranging from increased local decision-making rights to confederation, just short of independence." [5]), so it doesn't matter much whether KDPI was seeking full independence or just an internal autonomy - both are kinds of separatism.Greyshark09 (talk) 20:34, 20 August 2013 (UTC)

---

— "Significantly, the KDPI and Komala have never advocated a separate Kurdish state or greater Kurdistan, as did the PKK in its early years."
— "...these Kurdish Democrats raised the slogan "Democracy for Iran, Autonomy for Kurdistan," and called for an armed struggle to establish a federal republic modeled after that of Yugoslavia on the grounds that Iran, like Yugoslavia, contained many diverse nations."
— "...Qassemlou, was quoted by TASS as saying that 'the Kurds are not separatists. We are fighting for autonomy within the framework of democratic Iran, within the framework of its territorial integrity'."
— "In spite of the official hostility of the government, there are strong ties between the Kurds and the Persians. The Kurdish language is related to Farsi, and the Kurds share much of their history with the rest of Iran. This may explain at least partly why Kurdish leaders in Iran do not want a separate Kurdish state."

Refs

Which part you didn't understand? --HistorNE (talk) 21:04, 20 August 2013 (UTC)

NPOV

The neutral point of view is really missing, when militant fighters, who are usually labelled "terrorists" by the media and by Wikipedia, are called "freedom fighters", just because they fight against a disliked government. But when military actions by this government against these militants are called "terrorist actions", then it's not just a missing NPOV. It is pure propaganda.

Reference: "Throughout the summer, Iranian Kurdish freedom fighters mounted attacks against the Iranian Army, allegedly killing five Iranian surveyors near the Turkish border in August. KDPI guerrillas also set fire to an exhibition of industrial machinery and briefly take policemen hostage in the town of Mahabad in retaliation because of Iranian terrorist attacks."

By the way: the source given for this statement doesn't mention a reason for setting the fire. Querstrebe (talk) 03:16, 18 October 2014 (UTC)

Links

Something is wrong with the links to this reference: http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/mar/chronology.asp?groupId=63007 . Can one automatically fix them? Zezen (talk) 02:13, 23 April 2016 (UTC)

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