Talk:Northern Epirus/Archive 10

Archive 5Archive 8Archive 9Archive 10Archive 11Archive 12

Kacifas

If Fox News considers it important to mention what Albanian media have to say about Kacifas's ties to Golden Dawn, then some editors can't editorialize and remove it. Also, I can find the same exact claim by the Albanian Prime Minister. Kathimerini says that he had extreme right-wing affiliations, but was removed by Khirurg. The official position of the Albanian police "per BLP" [1] also got removed. Mentioning someone's political affiliations when bibliography considers them important is not a problem for BLP. Hiding them to reframe the narrative of the events is a major POV problem of the article.--Maleschreiber (talk) 00:39, 28 April 2020 (UTC)

I don't object a full coverage of Katsifas events. However, so much detail in such a generic article isn't appropriate. This is not wikinews.Alexikoua (talk) 21:10, 28 April 2020 (UTC)
Ok, I didn't revert you and I understand why someone might say that on this article some details shouldn't be discussed. I only added one sentence about later events (the next day if my understanding is correct) that were impactful in terms of inter-ethnic tensions.--Maleschreiber (talk) 21:29, 28 April 2020 (UTC)
The section on Katsifas has become ridiculously long and crossed long ago into WP:COATRACK territory. My preference is to keep it to one sentence and move the rest to a new article. Khirurg (talk) 02:44, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
If bibliography considers them as hate crimes, then you can't editorialize and judge them. Also, why did you remove the dubious tag from Lonely Planet? I'm mentioning that here so you can revert yourself. Also, you can't possibly remove every reference to possible political links and events that unfolded after his death. Having a whole section about a trial that most readers know nothing about, but editorializing to remove references about Kacifas is massive WP:UNDUE.--Maleschreiber (talk) 02:49, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
The trial of Omonia Five was a serious political issue emerged in Albania and intervention by international and humanitarian organizations. By the way this section deals in general with the events in 1994-1995 not just the trial. Nothing UNDUE on that. Katsifas incident should be trimmed like the rest of incident (see murder of Goumas). Everything more than 3 lines should be part of a separate article. Alexikoua (talk) 07:07, 29 April 2020 (UTC)

Kacifa origin and hate incidents

Kacifa wasn't from modern Albania, why is that removed? Hate incidents against Albanian migrants happened because of this event and must be mentioned. it is not COATTRACK to mention them.--Fa alk (talk) 08:05, 29 April 2020 (UTC)

You need an RS for this 'fact': someone hates Albanian because being born in Greece? I assume you are kidding if you want for every person this type of information.Alexikoua (talk) 08:51, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
Imo it is quite important, not in the least because Greeks who actually live in Albania and care about coexisting with Albanians tend to prefer not to be lumped with guys like him, who are not actually members of the minority.--Calthinus (talk) 16:53, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
His parents came from the region. He originates from Northern Epirus: lived for years and worked there. Goumas also lived for a while in Greece. Several local Albanians also lived in Greece and then returned back to Albania. It actually proves nothing about committing ... crimes. Rs please.Alexikoua (talk) 17:15, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
Crimes or not, there is his social media posts which were .... controversial. Of course I don't doubt there are some irredentists/separatists among the minority who may agree, and some who do not, this is still a notable distinction, and it was made in the media. Likewise we would not confuse Omar Barghouti with an actual Arab citizen of Israel, although his family claims such roots and he claims to fight in their "interests" with his boycott. --Calthinus (talk) 17:22, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
There is also the issue why each person in this generic article should have his birthplace and childhood stated. I can name 40 names here, even the birthplace of the head of Autonomous Republic isn't stated here: wp:UNDUE.Alexikoua (talk) 18:51, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
Yes, but if we are going to have this "incident" at all, it needs to be portrayed in a way that doesn't come off as painting him as some martyr for a community he is only dubiously a member of.--Calthinus (talk) 19:40, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
  • The content on Katsifas should include info on his nationalistic background, and the nationalistic incidents that followed what happened between him and Renea forces. Otherwise a POV template should be there instead. Ktrimi991 (talk) 20:32, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
There have been many versions circulated in media about Katsifas background. In order to remain POV neither martyr nor extremist should be emphasized. A simple and neutral description is more than enough. 3 lines max, like the rest of the list.Alexikoua (talk) 22:37, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
It would be one thing if there was a three line version that everyone was okay with. But at least four users (myself, Ktrimi, Maleschreiber, Fa alk), and I would assume N Hoxha as well, find the present version not acceptable. In a context where his death did have him celebrated as a "martyr" with Greek nationals entering Albania to stage a demonstration at his funeral where they chanted "blood is calling, set fire to Albanians", it is essential that we do not simply adopt their narrative that his death was emblematic of the "suffering of the Greek minority in Albania" (of which he is not uncontroversially a member). --Calthinus (talk) 22:46, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
The present version is already too long. A brief and neutral description is fine like the rest of the list: The killing of Konstantinos Katsifas in Bularat, close to the Greek-Albanian border during the Greek national celebrations on the 28th October 2018. He was shot dead by the RENEA special forces of the Albanian police near the village after allegedly opening fire against the Albanian police.. The rest of the information (slogans, childhood etc) can go to a separate article. By the way the supposed Albanian damaged property belonged to an ethnic Greek from Himara [[2]].Alexikoua (talk)
Ah, classic, the irredentist hooligans mistook yet another brother Greek for an Albanian :). But I think you are missing something. The relevance of the shootout was not merely that this was an incident, it was that the demonstrations at the funeral and the attacks on Albanians in Greece -- including ethnic Greek Albanian citizens as it is -- are relevant to public opinion in Albania, as the sceptre of Greek irredentism became publicized with the images and whatnot. This also has implications for Greek/Albanian interethnic relations: as usual when things go south, the minorities in both countries end up being the punching bag of nationalists on either side in the tit-for-tat provocation cycle. Aaaaand this is why the fact that this particular irredentist (nobody disputes this about him, let's be real, he spelled it out in those social posts) is not actually from Albania is relevant. --Calthinus (talk) 23:24, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
This article is about Northern Epirus not about Albanian-Greek relations. Expanding this incident to include events unrelated to the immediate actions surrounding the shootings and death itself is an absolute POV political COATRACK. Dr. K. 23:43, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
Regarding the nationalistic incidents that followed @Calthinus:, @Ktrimi991:, can one of you translate this banner for us? I think it says...something about Greeks, but can't quite make it out [3]. Thanks in advance. Khirurg (talk) 23:49, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
That's an abhorrent hate reaction from Albanian football fans. Do we put this coatrack into the article? Unlike Cal and the rest of the editors here who support inclusion of coatrack material when it suits their POV, I think this and all similar stuff does not belong in this general article. I am also very disappointed because Cal, in certain respects, shows promise as an editor, but in this case he has thrown his lot supporting a very strongly POV/COATRACK edit. Dr. K. 00:25, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I am extremely saddened to see that user Dr.K would consider the inclusion of the content about the murder of multiple innocent persons to be of equal importance as that of a poorly made banner. Calthinus made pertinent points, it's a shame that nobody addressed them properly. Also I'm not sure if Dr.K can really afford the luxury to judge other users' contributions and even classify their edits as "strongly POV", especially considering his recent distributive behavior and edit-warring. I naively thought that Dr.K would portray some kind of professionalism in this discussion, clearly I mistook myself. N.Hoxha (talk) 03:27, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
(ec) What??? Murders??? What "murders"? What on earth are you talking about? Don't be making stuff up now. Khirurg (talk) 04:06, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
Thank you Khirurg. He just got warned on his talkpage by El C. Dr. K. 04:41, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
What murders are you talking about? Let's clear this vile aspersion before I proceed to address the rest of your WP:CLUELESS WP:BATTLE WP:ASPERSIONS. Dr. K. 03:47, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I agree with Dr.K.. I am afraid that incidents against immigrants do not fit there. Correct me if I am wrong, but I believe that adding violence against immigrants would mean the inclusion of the the high rates of violence and crime of the Albanian Mafia in Greece against Greek citizens as well. As everyone knows, the Greek government blamed the Albanian government for its lack of cooperation in dealing with Mafia members whο are using the Albania-Greece borders to flee from Greece to Northern Epirus in Albania and escape arrest by the Greek authorities. I have no doubt that everyone here is realizing how problematic that kind of coatracking would have been. --- SilentResident (talk ✉ | contribs ✎) 01:18, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I'm not sure how the Albanian maffia can be linked to the events, do you have any sources that can attest that it does? The Albanian maffia also aggresses Albanian citizens and it actually maintains good relations with the Greek maffia. So I don't really understand the point that you are trying to make. N.Hoxha (talk) 03:27, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I lost track of what we were talking about when it got onto soccer hooligans..... tbh. Then, mafia? Eh, well, yeah I suppose the Greek and Albanian mafia have a model of interethnic cooperation. Funny how they're better at it than Wikipedia editors.......--Calthinus (talk) 03:54, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
Given you vast knowledge of all things Albanian, and your interest in "hate incidents", I had asked you to translate this banner for us [4]. Thanks again. Khirurg (talk) 04:07, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
Yeah, I'll spare you, I'm sure you already know what that crap means, and that it isn't relevant here.--Calthinus (talk) 04:14, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
No, I don't know what it means. I would like you to translate it for the benefit of all us here. Why are you refusing? And I have a feeling it's extremely relevant. Khirurg (talk) 04:20, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
  • The banner in the pic in the newspaper article says : "One Greek less, one bastard less". When I said that the nationalistic incidents that followed should be included on the article, I meant those by Greeks and Albs, not only by Greeks. Ktrimi991 (talk) 10:13, 30 April 2020 (UTC)

"Kourestos"

 

Here we see an image, currently being portrayed on the page. I have some concerns. Let's start with Korcha. This map attributes "Korca" to a supposed ancient city "Kourestos". Google Scholar has nothing to say about this, no results at all with "Korca" [5]. Likewise if we use "Korce" [6], "Korçë" [7], "Korça" [8], "Korytza" [9], "Koritza" [10], "Koritsa" [11], "Korytsa" [12], I even tried "Kwrytsa" [13].

The location of this mysterious Kourestos in relation to Emporia/Mborja also does not match that of Korcha to Mborja. Thoughts? --Calthinus (talk) 17:21, 29 April 2020 (UTC)

I remember that I made this map based on a similar one from Kyranis' work (it was published in Albanian as part of a lecture in a U.S. University). About Kurestos so far I found this [[14]] [[15]][[16]] but it's about late antiquity-early medieval period.Alexikoua (talk) 18:21, 29 April 2020 (UTC)

Unfortunately I have not access to Kyranis' map right now, I'm going to mark it as medieval if no results emerge about an ancient Kourestos (I assume Selasphoros is a similar case).Alexikoua (talk) 18:42, 29 April 2020 (UTC)

There are a number of such cases. I would venture to say they are about a third of the marked sites. It is also rather unclear if the map is asserting the continuity of such settlements or if they are simply marking the nearest city. If it is the latter case, I would find it quite misleading. Some are attributed to modern sites that were not even built until the last few centuries. The (other) coastal colonies in general are less problematic.--Calthinus (talk) 19:17, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
I'm going to check each one. For the story Kurestos is mentioned in an Imperial Sigilium of May 1020: It belonged to the jurisdiction of the bishop of Kastoria (archibishopric of Ohrid). Dolger and Nicol mention that Kurestos points to Korce.Alexikoua (talk) 19:27, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
I'll make your job easier. Here are the "bad" ones I noticed.
  1. . Knidos Sulova: zero results [[17]]
  2. . Sellasforos Svesda: as above [[18]]
  3. . This source explicitly states the attribution of Olympia for Mavrova is a mistake [19]
  4. . Nikea Klosi: zero [[20]]
  5. . Pylion Gollobardha (Golloborda?) : [[21]]
  6. . Evgenion Margalec [22]
  7. . Kordion Irmaj [23]
  8. . Chrysodian Mbjeshova [24]
  9. . Fanoti Lekle [25], it's the same for Lekël, Lekel.
  10. . Titoupolis Tepelena [26]
  11. . Argirini Gjirokaster [27] -- this may be confused with Ergiri, the Turkish name. Not sure why Greeks would use Argirini when Argyrokastro is a perfectly Greek name which is the source of the Albanian one.
Nada for Omfalion Labova, "Omphalion" gets this [28]. With Nymfeon, there is no results, but I did check and it's better for "Nymphaion" [29]. Alas the location of Selenica is off. --Calthinus (talk) 19:30, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
The new map isn't better than the old one. The Pelagones for some reason are portrayed as "NW Greeks". Arnold J. Toynbee (1969) explains that This political involvement of a majority of the Pelagones with a Paeonian people makes the determination of both the Pelagones' and the Paiones' nationality difficult.. I'm adding an OR template to the section until it gets updated appopriately.--Maleschreiber (talk) 12:35, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
If thats your only concern this means that you have no questions about that part of the map that concerns Northern Epirus (pelagones werent found there). About Pelagones more recent bibliography has less difficulty about this (1969 isnt the most recent work about the subject). CAH, Hammond are clear on this. The map is fully cited.Alexikoua (talk) 13:27, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
If there are quotes from Hammond that describe them differently then there are competing opinions by different scholars. Maybe the best resolution to this is to add another map. It is the geography section, so a strictly geographic map could also be used.--Maleschreiber (talk) 13:45, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
Toynbee states that he wasnt sure about Pelagones and this has been solved by later research, see wp:AGEMATTERS. However if we can find access in something that insist that everything published in last half century on  the subject is disputed then the tag is justified.Alexikoua (talk) 14:37, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I've just checked Toynbee (seems you have not full access on the book) he reads in p. 90 "These Greek place names and personal names are strong presumptive evidence that the Pelagones were Greek-speaking in the fourth century". Well things are clear now.Alexikoua (talk) 15:04, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I don't think that these two references oppose each other - both can be equally true, but ok in sign of AGF I'll remove the tag and we can continue the discussion about the Pelagones at some other time.--Maleschreiber (talk) 15:07, 30 April 2020 (UTC)

Himara elections 2019

Edits based solely on wp:PRIMARY should be avoided. Also, mysteriously it was neglected that the candidacy of Omonoia's representative was removed (it was Fredis Beleris) and as a result the Greek minority abstained from the procedure. Bollano was not Omonoia's representative in 2019 (it even seen in the url provided by MShreiber with the elections results).Alexikoua (talk) 21:26, 30 April 2020 (UTC)

I transcribed electoral results, I don't think that primary falls under that. How else except for citing Also, you can't say that the Greek minority abstained, because that implies that the Omonoia organization represents all Greeks, but I don't think that claim can be made or supported by sources. Bolanos bid for re-election shouldn't be removed, he is a former mayor after all who ran under a strictly ethnic Greek campaign. Also, you shouldn't remove tags from sections which have unresolved issues like the demographics one. Bibliography doesn't support what you have written because you have "synthed" the return of some temporary migrants with the depopulation caused by permanent migation. --Maleschreiber (talk) 21:42, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
To be precise huffpost reads that Greek minority participation was very low'. About demographics the source reads (both Rapti and Bouras) "in recent years, due to the economic crisis in Greece, members of the Greek minority returned to Albania" without precise numbers. This is reflected in the text. Alexikoua (talk) 21:56, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
So, it doesn't correlate Himara and its candidacy with low numbers of participation? Empirically, I can verify too that participation was low based on comparing results between 2015 and 2019 (35% to 40% voted in comparison to 2015) but that is the same as the low numbers of participation everywhere in Albania because the main opposition party boycotted the elections. I don't mind if this is written as PBDNJ which is part of the coalition led by the Democratic Party of Albania boycotted the results, while the smaller minority party MEGA participated. As a result, as in the rest of the country participation among members of the Greek community was low compared to previous elections. How does that look to you? Also, can you help me with something that I can't find in the 2017 results? Did PBDNJ take part in those national elections? If not, which coalition did they support? I haven't written anything about those.
Ok, but Murrugarra speaks about temporary migrants and Erebara speaks about depopulation caused by permanent migration. None of the sources contradict each other. Sure, some temporary migrants may have returned after 2010 and a lot of permanent migrants have basically settled and don't plan on ever returning - like many other migrants from Albania everywhere in Europe. Do you want to work out a solution about it? We can work it out here on the talkpage and I'll add the agreed version and remove any tag.--Maleschreiber (talk) 22:14, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
Source reads (huffpost) that the Greek minority abstained (not Omonoia) apart from a few elderly in Dhermi who voted. I assume you need to self revert.Alexikoua (talk) 22:48, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I google translated the article and the quotes are Omonoia claims, so if Omonoia is saying that all Greeks in Himara abstained then I wouldn't take that as fact, but as a political claim by a party. The place for those claims is in the Omonoia article, not in this article in wikivoice.--Maleschreiber (talk) 22:55, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
  • Case in point: According to information, the same low percentages were observed in the municipalities of Dropoli and Finikis, where Hellenism also massively refused to accept single-party processes. The Greeks of Finiq voted the MEGA candidate with ~3.300 votes and another probably Greek candidate with 2.100 votes. So, there was no "massive refusal" here. Omonoia, a political organization is claiming that it represents all Greeks in Albania, but it doesn't. I don't see why we should give undue weight to the claims of one organization in wikivoice.--Maleschreiber (talk) 23:00, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
Hmmm the quotes are Omonia claims? I dont things so: [[30]] this is also written on the title (Σε πολύ χαμηλά επίπεδα η συμμετοχή του ελληνισμού της Αλβανίας... η συμμετοχή του ελληνισμού κινήθηκε σε πολύ χαμηλά επίπεδα.) There is no Omonia quoting not even in the rest of this article about this one.Alexikoua (talk) 23:03, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I also said that it stood at a low level, but what was written in the article read like Omonoia's participation and low participation in general were connected. They aren't really. I asked you before if you want to highlight the low participation by writing the following PBDNJ - the party wing of Omonoia - which is part of the coalition led by the Democratic Party of Albania boycotted the results, while the smaller minority party MEGA participated. As a result, as in the rest of the country participation among members of the Greek community was low compared to previous elections. What do you think?--Maleschreiber (talk) 23:09, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
What you claim is just a personal speculation (OR): the fact that the Greek minority abstained (not simply Omonia) apart from a small number of elderly is sourced. There is no reason to change that.Alexikoua (talk) 23:29, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
Yet another OR you placed with the local election of 2015 [[31]]. You placed countrywide election results for the 2015 municipal elections with wp:PRIMARY. I assume you forgot to state that the Greek mayor in Dropull participated with another party while the 2 Greek parties took part only in 4 munipalities. In the rest (Saranda etc.) they were part of wider coalitions.Alexikoua (talk) 23:29, 30 April 2020 (UTC)
I didn't OR because I never wrote that "Greek voters were 18,000". I wrote how many votes each of the two minority parties got without even adding them up, there's no PRIMARY misuse there. No reader would assume that this number is equivalent to the demographics of the Greek community. If you want to write that the people of Dropull don't identify with any of those parties, you can do so and that reinforces the need for the article to be written in a way that doesn't imply that the Greek community is defined by certain organizations. It also makes a point for other sections like the socialist era parts. If the people of Dropull were repressed (which I don't question they were - like the rest of the country), it creates an interesting question as to why do they then align with the successor party of the PPSH still in 2020. It hints at interesting narratives far closer to reality IMO where repression coexists with support and participation in any given regime. --Maleschreiber (talk) 00:01, 1 May 2020 (UTC)
  • Also, 8,661 participated in the 2015 elections as opposed to ~4.211 in 2019. That is roughly half of the vote as opposed to 2015, so the most representative way reality can be transmitted in wikipedia is what I've already asked you to give me your opinion about: PBDNJ - the party wing of Omonoia - which is part of the coalition led by the Democratic Party of Albania boycotted the results, while the smaller minority party MEGA participated. As a result, as in the rest of the country participation among members of the Greek community was low compared to previous elections.--Maleschreiber (talk) 00:12, 1 May 2020 (UTC)
I'm sorry but you still into deep OR territory and by using simply a sum by the municipal results countrywide simply by using PRIMARY means nothing. As you;ve noted several conditates of the Greek parties participates in wider coalition.Alexikoua (talk) 00:37, 1 May 2020 (UTC)
I didn't use any sum nor am in deep OR territory because there is no statistical assumption here. In the 2015 local elections, two Greek minority parties participated: PBDNJ which got 14,771 (0.95%) votes and MEGA which got 3,144 (0.2%) votes is an array which repeats the results verbatim. It doesn't imply that all Greek voters and all Greek candidates were concentrated in these two parties and if you want to, you can add to that in Dropull, a Greek candidate who was elected eventually had the support of the Socialist Party of Albania.--Maleschreiber (talk) 00:43, 1 May 2020 (UTC)
1. You insist to ignore huffpost by pretending that only Omonia abstained from the election, 2. Also you use the countrywide sum of the municipal elections,while most of the Greek candidates participated in wider coalitions or with another part (Dropull case). I assume you understand that this is wp:OWN.Alexikoua (talk) 00:49, 1 May 2020 (UTC)
  • In the 2015 local elections, two Greek minority parties participated: PBDNJ which got 14,771 (0.95%) votes and MEGA which got 3,144 (0.2%) votes is not implying anything about Greek candidates or Greek voters except for two parties PBDNJ and MEGA. I don't what choices Greek candidates made because there is no source about that and I have written nothing about it. So, why exaclty shouldn't I use municipal results to quote the results of two particular parties?
  • PBDNJ - the party wing of Omonoia - which is part of the coalition led by the Democratic Party of Albania boycotted the results, while the smaller minority party MEGA participated. As a result, as in the rest of the country participation among members of the Greek community was low compared to previous elections. I have asked you to give me your opinion about this, instead you haven't replied but written the following In the following election most of the Greek minority abstained from the procedure and Goro was re-elected.. This implies that the two events stand in correlation - which they don't and no source points to that.--Maleschreiber (talk) 01:01, 1 May 2020 (UTC)

Greek-English lexicon as source

This sentence -- The strength of the Chaonians prevented other Greeks from establishing colonies on the Chaonian shore, however, several colonies were established in the 8th-6th centuries BC immediately to the north of the Ceraunian Mountains, the northern limit of Chaonian territory. -- is attributed to a Greek-English lexicon. The cited entry says this

ἤπειρ-ος , Dor. ἄπ- [α_], ἡ,

A.terra firma, land, opp. the sea, Od.3.90, 10.56, Il.1.485, Hes.Op.624, etc.; κατ᾽ ἤπειρον by land, Hdt.4.97, 8.66; “μήτ᾽ ἐν θαλάττῃ μήτ᾽ ἐν ἠπείρῳ” Ar.Ach.534, cf. Timocr.8: hence, even of an island, “ἤπειρόνδε” Od.5.56; but,

(II.) esp. the mainland of Western Greece, opp. the neighbouring islands, Od.14.97, al.; “ἤπειρόνδε” 18.84, cf. Th.3.114 (so as pr. n., Pi.N.4.51, X.HG6.1.7, etc.): generally, mainland, opp. islands, Hdt.1.148,171, al., Th.1.5, Philostr. VA1.20, etc.

III. later, a continent, esp. of Asia. Hdt.1.96, 4.91, A.Pers.718 (troch.), X.HG3.1.5, D.60.11, etc.; ῥεῖθρον ἠπείροιν (-ων codd.) ὅρον, of the Tanais or Phasis, A.Pr.790; so δισσαὶ ἄπειροι, i.e. Europe and Asia, S.Tr.101 (lyr.); “τὼ δύ᾽ ἠπείρω” Id.Fr.881; ἐφ᾽ ἑκατέρας τῆς ἠ. Isoc.4.35; ἤ. δοιαί, δίδυμαι, ἀμφότεραι, Mosch. 2.8, AP7.18 (Antip. Thess.), 240 (Adaeus), Lib.Ep.783.3; ῥίζαν ἀπείρον τρίταν, of Libya, Pi.P.9.8.

IV. plain, opp. mountain, “ἤπειρόνδε” A.R.2.734,976.

V. in Egypt, land above inundationlevel, PGiss.48.8 (iii A.D.); more freq., γῆ ἤ. PLond.3.1201.2 (ii B.C.), etc. (Fr. α?περ-yos, cf. Germ. Ufer.)

So it does not appear to support the sentence at all. Perhaps this was a mistake. If so, where is the correct source?--Calthinus (talk) 15:58, 28 April 2020 (UTC)

@Calthinus: could you maybe do a full or partial translation of the quote?--Maleschreiber (talk) 21:34, 28 April 2020 (UTC)
It's just a dictionary entry as far as I can see. ἤπειρ-ος is "Epirus". My Ancient Greek is not great, it's more like one course worth, so a ping to Fut Perf might be better. "μήτ᾽ ἐν θαλάττῃ μήτ᾽ ἐν ἠπείρῳ" -- mete en thalatti mete en ipeirw -- should mean something like "neither in sea nor in land" with ipeirw there meaning "land" (as opposed to sea), and the sentence is illustrating that meaning. Could be minor semantic differences as again, my Ancient Greek is something I should brush up on, but more or less. Others are like that, cited usages of the word. One thing it is not doing is supporting the text it was cited for. --Calthinus (talk) 21:49, 28 April 2020 (UTC)
I wonder who added this piece.Alexikoua (talk) 22:02, 28 April 2020 (UTC)
The original author is Khirurg, ten years ago [32] --Calthinus (talk) 22:11, 28 April 2020 (UTC)
Very strange. I have no recollection of ever adding this. I typically avoid such sources like the plague. Khirurg (talk) 01:17, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
A part of that info is supported by Hammond, I think the source was mistaken by the original editor. I restored it. – Βατο (talk) 11:52, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
@Bato: I can't find Boardman & Hammond 1970 (part. 3-vol.3): page. 655. This book ends with page 527. Should I check some other volume of the CAH series?Alexikoua (talk) 15:01, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
@Alexikoua yes, sorry, I mistaken the volume, now it is fixed. – Βατο (talk) 15:22, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
Thank you. I feel that some rewording is warranted: "Illyrian raiders penetrated into central Epirus" seems somewhat different from an "great expansion" & "penetration to central Epirus". It should be noted that this refers to raids not political or permanent penetration.Alexikoua (talk) 15:25, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
I reworded it as per the source. – Βατο (talk) 15:40, 29 April 2020 (UTC)
Ok, however raids usually begin from somewhere. As such it should be stated that they took possession in Malakastra so the reader can understand that the raids came from the north.Alexikoua (talk) 11:20, 2 May 2020 (UTC)