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Communism in Brazil refers to a broad category of left-leaning beliefs in Brazilian politics. [...]

History

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Late 19th and early 20th century

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Worker organizations in Brazil are known since the 19th century. The first known strike by salaried employees happened in 1858, though slave revolts relating to working conditions had been happening prior – slavery was only abolished in Brazil in 1888. Though information is sometimes lacking due to the societal treatment of slaves at the time, it is known that many such revolts ended with police repression.[1]

 
Front page of the first issue of Jornal dos Typographos, from 10 January 1858. The leftmost column contains the typographers' reasoning for the strike and their motivation for starting this new bulletin.

On 8 January 1858, a total of 80 typographers from 3 daily publications (Jornal do Commercio, Correio Mercantil [pt] and Diário do Rio de Janeiro [pt]) refused to work simultaneously.[2] The workers published a bulletin, titled Jornal dos Typographos, stating their demands for better pay in light of increasing food prices. They further explain that the strike was a last resort after being denied a raise on multiple occasions, as they hadn't seen an increase in pay since 1855.[2] The result of the typographers' strike isn't known; it lasted at least until 12 March 1858, the date of the last issue of Jornal dos Typographos before it was sold.[2]

In 1890, the first self-declared socialist political party of Brazil is established in Rio Grande do Sul, namely the Partido Operário do Rio Grande do Sul.[3] It called for, among other things, women's rights and the end of inheritance rights.[3]

The early 1900s were riddled with strikes, usually in the interest of better pay and shorter work days.[4] For example, the 8-hour work day was among the First Brazilian Workers' Congress' proposals, in April 1906. Inspired by that proposal, in October that year, workers participating in the 21-day strike in Porto Alegre achieved a partial success, reducing their work day from 11 to 9 hours. However, strikes were more commonly met with police repression and, even when successfully leading to new agreements, company owners might simply not honor them, or revert any changes after some time.[4][5][6]

Facing the abolition of slavery in Brazil a few years prior, in 1888, coffee farmers saw in immigration a source of cheap labor to meet production demands.[7][8] But immigrants brought with them ideals of anarchism and socialism, which were undesirable to landowners. In 1907, federal deputy Adolfo Gordo [pt] authored Decree N.1,641, which became known as Adolfo Gordo Law or the first "Foreigner Expulsion Law", allowing for the immigrants' expulsion from the country for vagrancy or simply "compromising public tranquility".[4][7][9] This and other laws authored by Gordo became yet another tool for capitalists to suppress strikes and workers' movements.[7]

Ideologically, not every revolutionary worker self-identified as a communist or a socialist; many were deemed anarchists, who rejected the idea of political parties, and instead preferred direct action or organization though unions.[4] Political theory and literature wasn't always accessible in Brazil, either because it wasn't translated into Portuguese, or because the Portuguese text wasn't accommodating to workers with little to no formal education.[4] As such, many at the time were simply anti-capitalists, supporting a revolution without fully considering what would come after any revolutionary action.[4]

World War I and Russian Revolution

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Workers carrying red flags at a demonstration in São Paulo during the 1917 general strike

In July 1914, World War I begins. While Brazil did not see direct conflict, the effects of the war were quickly felt by its citizens. Brazil's economy was, and had been for decades, reliant on exporting coffee; by 1914, Brazil controlled around 80% of the world's coffee exports.[10] With the advent of the war, demand for coffee fell drastically. Additionally, Britain's blockade, aimed at preventing aid to the Central Powers by neutral countries such as Brazil, successfully hindered trade with a big chunk of Europe, worsening Brazil's coffee exports.[10]

In contrast, in certain industries such as textiles, profits skyrocketed: with the war, products that would previously be imported now had to be produced in Brazil, and were even exported in some cases.[5] But workers did not see those profits; on the contrary, as higher demand meant longer work days, of up to 16 hours, without increase in pay.[5] Moreover, with growing demand for food in belligerent countries, Brazil began heavily exporting crops and meat which, in turn, caused shortages and a massive price increase locally.[11] Between 1914 and 1919, prices almost tripled, growing by 185%.[11]

General strike of 1917
 
Police dispersing strikers at Antônio Prado Square, in São Paulo
 
Workers awaiting meeting with Secretary of Justice during the strike
 
Striking workers at rally with the Comitê de Defesa Proletária (16 July 1917)

In this context, with worse working conditions, a higher cost of living and diminishing purchasing power, workers were at a historical low point.[10][12][6] This culminated in the general strike of 1917, starting in the Mooca district of São Paulo, in early June, and spreading throughout Brazil in the following days.[6] At its peak, it saw almost 44 thousand workers striking simultaneously.[6] Demonstrations occurred almost daily, protesting low wages, child labor, high rent and food prices, among other issues.[a][b] They were organized by workers themselves, with support from union, anarchist and socialist leaderships.[6] Additionally, women played a significant role in organizing the strikes: beyond being workers themselves, they were also usually in charge of home finances – and thus saw firsthand the ever-growing prices of goods.[5][6]

Brazilian workers, including anarchists, looked to the recent Russian Revolution with enthusiasm. In the Alagoas newspaper A Semana Social, in March 1917, Antônio Canellas [pt] writes: "if the evil temper of the bourgeoisie doesn't prevent it", then Brazil would also see "the branching of the generous tree that just emerged in Russia – the tree of liberty".[6] In November 1918, this inspiration was put to action, in a failed anarchist insurrection.[11]

It is also in this context that anti-communism sentiment is birthed, developed from a fear by the elites of revolutionary action by the proletariat; in Brazil, newspapers at the time denounced Vladimir Lenin as an outlaw or a crook.[6] Astrojildo Pereira, one of the bigger enthusiasts of the Russian Revolution in Brazil, would write to newspapers under pseudonyms to combat the hostile framing of the event.[6]

First Communist Parties

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In 2 March 1919, the Communist International was founded, and 21 conditions were given for admission to it. Among them, that "any party seeking affiliation must call itself the Communist Party of the country in question".[13]

A few days later, news breaks of the foundation, in 9 March 1919, of Brazil's first self-declared Communist Party (Partido Comunista do Brasil, PCdoB), open to "anarchists, socialists and all of those who accepted social communism".[11][14] Founded by anarchist José Oiticica and delegates from Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo and Alagoas, the party had major libertarian influences; anarchists at the time may not have fully realized their ideological differences to bolsheviks, and the Russian Revolution itself may have been seen as an anarchist movement by some.[6][11] This first party was short-lived, marking the start of the split between communists and anarchists.[11]

Many strikes had continued to be planned, executed, and severely repressed since 1917, led by anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists.[11] By 1921, workers were wholly defeated, and anarchism, which had been against political parties and was seen to lack discipline, took the blame.[8][11] Adding to that the fact that, due to WWI, the recent industrialization push had made Brazil a worker-dense country, the conditions were fertile for the growth of communism in Brazil.[11]

In 1918, Abílio de Nequete, Francisco Merino and Otávio Hengist had founded the União Maximalista de Porto Alegre (Maximalist Union of Porto Alegre), renamed Grupo Comunista de Porto Alegre (Communist Group of Porto Alegre) in 1921.[11] And, in the aftermath of the general strikes, the country sees the formation of multiple self-proclaimed communist groups. In 1919, the Grupo Comunista Brasileiro Zumbi, and Núcleo Comunista de Pelotas; in 1921, the Grupo Clarté, inspired by the French group of the same name organized by Henri Barbusse, Raymond Lefebvre, Paul Vaillant-Couturier and others;[8] and, in the same year, the Grupo Comunista do Rio de Janeiro.[11]

Grupo Clarté was founded by Everardo Dias, Afonso Schmidt, Lima Barreto, Pontes de Miranda, Cristiano Cordeiro, Joaquim Pimenta [pt], Evaristo de Morais [pt], Agripino Nazareth, Antônio Figueiredo, Leônidas Resende, Maurício Paiva de Lacerda [pt] and his brother, Paulo de Lacerda.[11] Though some called themselves socialists, the group tended towards moderate reformism, all in the context of a weakened, post-repression Left; Pimenta described his own politics as the "pragmatic method – to wrest from situation and events whatever they can provide on behalf of the working class".[8] The group was largely sympathetic to the Russian Revolution, frequently reprinting documents on soviet events, though not organizing any meaningful action towards any revolutionary goal in Brazil.[8]

Foundation of the Communist Party of Brazil
 
The 9 delegates present at the foundation of the PCB, in March 1922. Standing, from left to right: Manoel Cendón, Joaquim Barbosa, Astrojildo Pereira, João da Costa Pimenta [pt], Luís Perez and José Elias da Silva; sitting, from left to right: Hermogênio da Silva Fernandes, Abílio de Nequete and Cristiano Cordeiro [pt].
 
Diário Oficial da União publication instituting the party as a civil society, on 7 April 1922

The Grupo Comunista do Rio de Janeiro was founded by Astrojildo Pereira and 11 others. Immediately after formation, the group started contacting other worker groups throughout the country to share the 21 conditions and recommend for their implementation. In response, several other communist groups started to form, in Recife, Juiz de Fora, Santos and Cruzeiro.[11] In January 1922, the group launched the Movimento Comunista magazine to spread the agenda of the Communist International.[11]

Between 25 and 27 March 1922, the various communist groups made the decision to start the Partido Comunista do Brasil (Communist Party of Brazil; dubbed the "Partido Communista, Secção Brasileira da Internacional Communista", or "Communist Party, Brazilian Section of the Communist International"), the first truly communist party of Brazil.[11] Soon after inception, the party would adopt the abbreviation of "PCB".[11] The party, born through the meeting of 9 delegates representing 73 affiliates throughout the country, was hurried in light of the soon-approaching 4th World Congress of the Communist International, for which Brazil had been lacking representation.[11] Due to the lack of political party-specific legislation at the time, the party was registered as a civil society.[11]

Knowledge of Marxism, at the time, was still in its infancy in Brazil. As such, although enthusiastic, PCB was still lacking in Marxist theory in its inception.[11]

Parallel to the PCB's foundation, on 1 March 1922, Brazil held a presidential election. It was won by Artur Bernardes of the Mineiro Republican Party, who was up against Nilo Peçanha. Bernardes' candidacy was part of the milk coffee politics of the time, a scheme which ensured only candidates from the two wealthiest states, Minas Gerais and São Paulo, would occupy the presidency. The opposition contested the election results and, over the following months, a military conspiracy emerged across the country to remove the still-in-office Epitácio Pessoa and prevent Bernardes' inauguration. This culminated in the Copacabana Fort revolt, which began on 4 July 1922.

In response to the revolt, on 5 July 1922, Epitácio Pessoa declared a state of emergency,[15] which would end up lasting for years and multiple presidencies.


   


Claim: PCB was made illegal at some point between June and July 1922. Different sources claim different points, from before the Copacabana Fort revolt to because of it. I could not find any Diário Oficial publication on this, both in June and July; or any Decree or Law regarding this; or any news from the time. Granted, the party was very small (at most 250 people). But ?? Nothing? Where are people getting this from?

June

FGV's CPDOC (PDF): "Em junho de 1922, três meses após sua fundação, o partido foi fechado, ainda pelo governo de Epitácio Pessoa, passando a atuar na ilegalidade e tendo vários de seus membros presos."
Unicamp's Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth: "Ainda em junho de 1922 foi colocado na ilegalidade, condição em que passaria a maior parte de sua existência."
Fundação Astrojildo Pereira: "Em junho, o partido é fechado pelo presidente Epitácio Pessoa e passa a atuar na ilegalidade."
Quatro Cinco Um: "Fundado em março, em junho o PCB (Partido Comunista do Brasil) é colocado na ilegalidade pelo presidente Epitácio Pessoa que, no mês seguinte, decreta estado de sítio."

"3 months after being founded" (= around 25–27 June)

O Globo: "Três meses após a fundação, o partido foi proscrito pelo então presidente da República, Epitácio Pessoa."
UNESP's CEDEM: "Três meses após sua fundação o PCB foi fechado, ainda pelo governo de Epitácio Pessoa, passando a atuar na ilegalidade."
[11]: "Apesar de o PC estar alheio aos acontecimentos, a polícia aproveitou para invadir e fechar a sua sede [...] e para colocá-lo na ilegalidade, três meses após a sua fundação."

July

TSE: "Foi proscrito em julho de 1922, durante o estado de sítio decretado pelo Presidente Epitácio Pessoa."
Brasil247: "Na esteira dos acontecimentos do tenentismo, conhecido como os 18 do Forte, em 5 de julho de 1922, o PCB (com menos de três meses de fundação) foi posto na ilegalidade. Para termos uma ideia, o PCB viveu legalmente, em sua primeira década de existência, apenas entre março e julho de 1924 e de janeiro a agosto de 1927."


4th World Congress of the Communist International (Nov–Dec 1922) The PCB sends Antonio Canellas, who had already been in Europe since 1919, to represent the party and request its admission to the Communist International.[11] Canellas, who still held many anarchist beliefs, did not manage to secure the party's admission to the organization, and would be eventually expelled from the party because of it in 1923.[11] The PCB would only become a part of Comintern in April 1924, after the organization sent its South American representative, Rodolfo Ghioldi [pt], to check on [....].[11]


Vargas Era

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Vargas Era

Brazilian Revolution of 1930

Intentona Comunista (Nov. 1935)

Olga Benário Prestes (Jan.–Sep. 1936) → Anita Leocádia Prestes (27 November 1936) → Death of Olga (23 April 1942)

https://jornal.usp.br/articulistas/maria-luiza-tucci-carneiro/o-caso-olga-benario-prestes-o-simbolismo-de-um-pedido-de-perdao/ https://super.abril.com.br/historia/olga-benario-e-uma-invencao-da-propaganda-comunista https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/15327 https://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9901 https://www.dw.com/pt-br/1908-nascimento-de-olga-benario-prestes/a-3127345 https://www.dw.com/pt-br/olga-ben%C3%A1rio-%C3%A9-exemplo-de-resist%C3%AAncia-contra-o-fascismo/a-65566863 https://repositorio.ufmg.br/handle/1843/ECAP-8EBPA2


1960 Brazilian presidential election → João Goulart


Modern times

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In March 2021, protests calling for former president Jair Bolsonaro's impeachment for mishandling the pandemic break out in over 200 Brazilian cities as COVID-19 deaths surpass 460 thousand.[16]
 
"What do the communists want?" poster by União da Juventude Comunista [pt], at Unicamp, demanding, among other things, quality public education and universal health care.
 
Communists in a demonstration supporting Palestine in Florianópolis, in late October 2023.

Current communist parties

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There are, currently, seven self-declared communist (or adjacent) political parties in Brazil, shown in the table below. Additionally, the seven are the only ones who, in surveys in 2019 and 2024, declared themselves as "left-wing";[c] other progressive-leaning parties only claimed being "center-left".[17][18]

Communist (or adjacent) political parties in Brazil
Logo Name Beliefs References
  Partido Comunista Brasileiro (Brazilian Communist Party, PCB) Socialism, communism [19]
  Partido Comunista do Brasil (Communist Party of Brazil, PCdoB) Socialism, Marxism–Leninism [20]
  Partido da Causa Operária (Workers' Cause Party, PCO) Socialism, trotskyism [21][22]
  Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Socialism and Liberty Party, PSOL) Democratic socialism [23]
  Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado (United Socialist Workers' Party, PSTU) Socialism, anti-stalinism [24]
  Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party, PT) Democratic socialism [25]
  Unidade Popular (Popular Unity, UP) Socialism [26]

Prior to the 2022 and 2024 elections, Folha de S.Paulo did studies aiming to pinpoint Brazilian parties' political alignment. Deemed "far left" were the following:[27][28]

  • PCB (2024)
  • PCO (2022)
  • PSOL (2022, 2024)
  • PSTU (2022, 2024)
  • UP (2022, 2024)

Although its name contains "Socialism", the Partido Socialista Brasileiro (Brazilian Socialist Party) is, self-declaredly, center-left.[17][18]

Anti-communist sentiment

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Main article: Anti-communism
 
Independence Day demonstrations in 2021, in support of then-president Jair Bolsonaro, with signs saying "out communists" and "no to communism".

Brazil still faces somewhat strong anti-communist sentiment, even decades after the end of the multiple military dictatorships that sought to curb it. Near the end of Dilma Rousseff's presidency and the mass protests from late 2014 through 2016, the expression Nossa bandeira jamais será vermelha [pt] ("Our flag will never be red") became a popular anti-communist motto.[29][30]

That same motto's popularity was later revitalized during Jair Bolsonaro's presidency.[31][32] Bolsonaro, a staunch anti-communist, had previously stated that Brazil "could become like North Korea if the Workers' Party was not stopped".[33] His presidential campaign in 2018 was filled with fake news aiming at a red scare, such as alleging his opponent, Fernando Haddad, was a Marxist.[33]

In a survey in 2023, after Lula's win over Bolsonaro in the 2022 election, around 70% of Bolsonaro voters believed the country was at risk of becoming communist.[34] This is in stark contrast with Lula's actual political positioning, which is closer to center-left.[35]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ The full list of demands of strikers in São Paulo, as reported in the newspaper A Plebe on 21 July 1917, is as follows:[6]
    • The release of all arrested strikers;
    • The "most absolute" respect to the freedom of association of workers;
    • No lay-offs for participation in the strike;
    • The abolition of work for children under the age of 14;
    • The abolition of night shifts for women and children under the age of 18;
    • A 35% pay increase for salaries up to 5$000 Réis, and of 25% for salaries above that limit;
    • The punctual payment of salaries every 2 weeks;
    • A guarantee of permanent work;
    • An 8-hour work day;
    • A 5½-day work week and a 50% pay increase during overtime;
    • The immediate cheapening of necessity goods, blocking the action of hoarders;
    • The request, when necessary, of foodstuff for feeding the public;
    • Measures to prevent adulteration and falsification of food products;
    • The decrease of rent prices.
  2. ^ This revolutionary sentiment wasn't unique to Brazil; in part due to the effects of WWI, and in part due to news of the success of the Russian Revolution, worker revolts had been happening all across the world – see Revolutions of 1917–1923.
  3. ^ Both PCB and PCO did not respond to the 2024 survey.

References

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  1. ^ "Greve de Escravizados". Associação Rio Memórias (in Brazilian Portuguese). 20 March 2023. Retrieved 4 November 2024.
  2. ^ a b c Vitorino, Artur José Renda (8 October 2010). "Escravismo, proletários e a greve dos compositores tipográficos de 1858 no Rio de Janeiro". Sociedades Operárias e Mutualismo (in Brazilian Portuguese). 6 (10/11). Cadernos Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth: 69–107. Retrieved 4 November 2024.
  3. ^ a b Carrion, Raúl (1 May 2020). "O 1º de Maio e a luta histórica dos trabalhadores pelos seus direitos". O Vermelho (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 4 November 2024.
  4. ^ a b c d e f Gaio, André Moysés; Freitas, Daniel Jorge Salles de (30 November 2017). "A Revolução Russa e o Brasil" [The Russian Revolution and Brazil]. Teoria e Cultura (in Brazilian Portuguese). 12 (2). Federal University of Juiz de Fora. doi:10.34019/2318-101X.2017.v12.12383. eISSN 2318-101X. ISSN 1809-5968. Retrieved 5 November 2024.
  5. ^ a b c d Costa, Camilla (28 April 2017). "1ª greve geral do país, em 1917, foi iniciada por mulheres e durou 30 dias" [First general strike in the country, in 1917, was started by women and lasted for 30 days]. BBC News (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 5 November 2024.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Toledo, Edilene (May 2017). "Um ano extraordinário: greves, revoltas e circulação de ideias no Brasil em 1917" [An extraordinary year: strikes, uprisings and circulation of ideas in Brazil in 1917]. Estudos Históricos (Rio de Janeiro) (in Brazilian Portuguese). CPDOC. pp. 497–518. doi:10.1590/S2178-14942017000200011. ISSN 0103-2186. Retrieved 6 November 2024.
  7. ^ a b c Lang, Alice Beatriz da Silva Gordo (2013). "Leis Adolfo Gordo" (PDF) (in Brazilian Portuguese). Fundação Getulio Vargas. Retrieved 5 November 2024.
  8. ^ a b c d e Hall, Michael M.; Pinheiro, Paulo Sérgio (1980). "The Clarté Group in Brazil". Le Mouvement social (111): 217–234. doi:10.2307/3778017. eISSN 1961-8646. ISSN 0027-2671.
  9. ^ Pena, Afonso (7 January 1907). "Decreto Nº 1.641, de 7 de Janeiro de 1907" [Decree N.1,641, of 7 January 1907] (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 5 November 2024.
  10. ^ a b c Duarte, Fernando (11 November 2014). "Participação do Brasil na 1ª Guerra trouxe ganhos modestos e baque econômico" [Brazil's participation in World War I brought modest gains and economical impact]. BBC News (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 5 November 2024.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w Carrion, Raul K. M. (7 February 2022). "A fundação do Partido Comunista do Brasil". Princípios. Modernismo e revolução nos anos 1920. 41 (163): 9–62. doi:10.4322/principios.2675-6609.2022.163.002. eISSN 2675-6609. ISSN 1415-7888. Retrieved 6 November 2024.
  12. ^ Neher, Clarissa (25 October 2017). "Os ecos da Revolução Russa no Brasil" [The echoes of the Russian Revolution in Brazil]. Deutsche Welle (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 5 November 2024.
  13. ^ Walters, David; Cymbala, Robert, eds. (July 1920). "Terms of Admission into Communist International". Marxists Internet Archive. Translated by Katzer, Julius. Retrieved 6 November 2024.
  14. ^ Buonicore, Augusto (18 March 2017). "1919 – O primeiro Partido Comunista do Brasil e a Revolução Russa" [1919 – The first Communist Party of Brazil and the Russian Revolution]. Congresso em Foco [pt] (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 6 November 2024.
  15. ^ Pessôa, Epitacio (5 July 1922). "Decreto Nº 4.549, de 5 de Julho de 1922" [Decree N.4,549, of 5 July 1922]. Câmara dos Deputados (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 10 November 2024.
  16. ^ Phillips, Tom (29 May 2021). "Tens of thousands of Brazilians march to demand Bolsonaro's impeachment". The Guardian. Rio de Janeiro. Retrieved 4 November 2024.
  17. ^ a b "Maioria dos partidos se identifica como de centro" [Most parties identify as being in the center]. O Estado de S. Paulo (in Portuguese). Estado de Minas. 25 December 2019. Retrieved 12 November 2024.
  18. ^ a b Braga, Alex Jorge (4 October 2024). "De direita ou esquerda? Veja como os partidos políticos se definem no Brasil" [Right or left? Check out how political parties define themselves in Brazil]. Valor Econômico (in Brazilian Portuguese).
  19. ^ "O que é o Partido Comunista?". PCB (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. Nós, comunistas, lutamos [...] visando a substituição do sistema capitalista pelo socialismo, na perspectiva da construção da sociedade comunista. [We, communists, fight [...] aiming for the substitution of the capitalist system for socialism, with goal of constructing a communist society.]
  20. ^ "Programa". PCdoB (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024.
  21. ^ "Uma Breve História do PCO". PCO (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. O PCO chama todos os explorados a assumirem a estratégia e o programa da transformação socialista da sociedade. [The PCO calls on the oppressed to take on the strategy and the agenda of the socialist transformation of the society.]
  22. ^ "O que é o Trskismo e por que o reivindicamos" [What is trotskyism and why we claim it]. PCO (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024.
  23. ^ "Programa". PSOL (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024.
  24. ^ "Conheça o PSTU". PSTU (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. O socialismo que o defendemos é o oposto do socialismo defendido por Stálin e seus seguidores, que burocratizou e degenerou as revoluções socialistas do século 20. [The socialism we defend is the opposite of the socialism defended by Stalin and his followers, that bureaucratized and deteriorated socialist revolutions of the 20th century.]
  25. ^ "Carta de Princípios do Partido dos Trabalhadores". PT (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. Um partido que almeja uma sociedade socialista e democrática tem de ser, ele próprio, democrático nas relações que se estabelecem em seu interior. [A party that aspires to a socialist and democratic society has to be, itself, democratic in the relations that are found in its interior.]
  26. ^ "Apresentação". UP (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024.
  27. ^ Mariani, Daniel; Yukari, Diana; Faria, Flávia (21 September 2022). "O que faz um partido ser de direita ou esquerda: Folha cria métrica que posiciona legendas". Folha de S.Paulo (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. (subscription required)
  28. ^ Mariani, Daniel; Brandino, Géssica; Pretto, Nicholas (4 September 2024). "Novo é sigla mais à direita e PSTU a mais à esquerda no Brasil, mostra GPS partidário". Folha de S.Paulo (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. (subscription required)
  29. ^ Benites, Afonso (15 November 2014). "Movimento contra Dilma cresce ao mesmo tempo que fica mais radical" [Movement against Dilma grows while becoming more radical]. El País (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 16 November 2024.
  30. ^ Costa, Camilla; Barrucho, Luis Guilherme; Puff, Jefferson (15 March 2015). "15 frases dos protestos pró e anti-Dilma". BBC News (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 16 November 2024.
  31. ^ Fernandes, Maria Cristina; Araújo, Carla; Agostine, Cristiane; Filgueiras, Malu (1 January 2019). "'Nossa bandeira jamais será vermelha', afirma Bolsonaro na posse". Valor Econômico (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 16 November 2024.
  32. ^ Nunes, Vinícius (7 September 2022). ""Nossa bandeira jamais será vermelha", diz Michelle Bolsonaro". Poder360 [pt] (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 16 November 2024.
  33. ^ a b Bevins, Vincent (16 September 2020). "How Anti-Communist Conspiracies Haunt Brazil". The Atlantic. Illustrated by Eren Su Kibele Yarman. Retrieved 16 November 2024.
  34. ^ Gielow, Igor (3 July 2023). "52% thinks Brazil is at risk of becoming communist, says Datafolha". Folha de S.Paulo. Translated by Dias, Cassy. Retrieved 16 November 2024.
  35. ^ Pieper, Oliver (29 December 2022). "Brazil's Lula da Silva: the communist who wasn't". Deutsche Welle. Retrieved 16 November 2024.

Bibliography

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