Military & Warfare
Prior to contact with colonial forces and patrols, the Fore people often engaged in warfare amongst themselves. This warfare occurred between local Fore tribes, usually started by one tribe as a means of retribution for perceived slights, or as a preemptive measure to strategically consolidate power in the region. [1] Oftentimes, tribes created alliances with other tribes and were expected to aid their allies in the war effort with food, prayer, and troops. [1] Warfare amongst the Fore led either directly or indirectly to the mortalities of approximately .6% of the population, most of whom were usually young males. [2]
Despite being consistently engaged in warfare, the Fore were characterized, by their tempered disdain for warfare and preference for peace. The Fore predominantly viewed warfare as an undesirable last resort, so they often resolved conflicts peacefully or ended wars at the earliest feasible opportunity. [3]
Causes of Warfare
Warfare amongst the Fore people was almost exclusively initiated by the larger, more powerful Fore clans, such as the Mugayamuti and Ketabe clans. [4] War was predominantly a means of retaliation over perceived slights or a preemptive measure to ensure dominance in the region. Even wars that began under the guise of retaliation were sometimes strategic in nature; larger clans would call for warfare against smaller groups if they were in desirable trade locations, or in order to increase their might and military numbers. [1] One such example is a war that occurred between the Weneru group in the Wanitabe clan, which had allied itself with the Mugayamuti. [4] After word spread that the Weneru had harvested a large amount of taro, a vegetable commonly grown in the region, the Ketabe ambushed them under the guise of sorcery allegations in order to take this harvest. The Ketabe had been afraid that, with the excess of harvest, the Mugayamuti would be able to extend their alliances and thus consolidate more power in the region. [1]
Warfare also was commonly initiated as a result of suspicions of acts of sorcery or theft committed by other groups. [5] Physical markings of a sorcery attack included skin-damage, swelling, psychotic behavior, and fainting. If a member of a tribe fell ill and displayed these symptoms, then sorcery was typically suspected. [6] Clans, by default, typically presumed innocence for their own members. Thus, suspects of sorcery and theft were normally members of rival clans.
Since the Fore did not have established mechanisms for jurisprudence, guilt was determined through the use of religious rituals. [4] One such ritual was placing hunted animals in bamboo vessels, each vessel representing the name of an accused person or tribe responsible. [4] These vessels would then be put over a fire. After some time upon the fire, the animals would be removed and their livers would then be extracted. A fully cooked liver was considered proof of innocence, and conversely, an uncooked or partially cooked liver was considered conclusive evidence of guilt for the person or group associated with the vessel that contained the incriminating animal. [1]
The Nature of Fore Warfare
The Fore had not been exposed to firearms and other advanced weaponry prior to colonial contact and thus resorted to archery-based warfare in the form of open-field fighting and ambushes. [3] War was typically initiated after one group, upon determining that war was necessary against another group, exacted a secret raid on the enemy. [7] These raids were normally performed by a small group of skilled warriors, targeting enemy homes, civilians, and gardens. [1] After being attacked, groups typically rounded up the able-bodied men amongst them and met the initiating group in the open field for battle. Coordination of war location and logistics was typically done through messengers carried by pako, peaceful envoys who went to enemy territory alone and unarmed. [1] Pako were typically respected older men or women who were visibly incapable of fighting. Often, pako had some sort of tie to both groups, and kept tallies of the deaths on both sides. [7] Although the Fore did not have formal written agreements to grant immunity to pako messengers, Fore tribes generally respected them and granted them safe passage in and out of their territories. [1]
In open-field battles, quarreling sides met on either side of the field, generally after sunrise. Intimidation tactics such as profuse chanting, singing, dancing, sudden advancements, and yelling profane insults were commonly used. The standard battle formation of a group normally had a defensive front line of men carrying wooden shields to protect themselves and their fellow men from falling arrows. Behind them were men armed with bows and arrows. Shots would be taken sporadically, as arrows were not made in abundance due to the lack of mass-production techniques in Fore society. [7] As a result of this and the capability of fighters to dodge or block incoming arrows, deaths were minimal though common in these battles. In the rare occasion that more than a few people died in one battle, the tribe that suffered those deaths would commonly avenge them with ambush attacks on enemy villages. In the afternoon, fighting normally ended, to be continued after the following sunrise. Fore wars were relatively short, lasting anywhere from a few months to 2-3 years. [1]
Peacemaking Prior to Contact
Even prior to colonial contact, the Fore had established rituals for peacemaking between groups that were either at war or in tense relations. These rituals were typically initiated after a pako brokered an agreement of peace between the hostile forces, based on the damages exacted by both groups. [1] Pigs were used as remuneration for fatalities, damaged crops, and damaged property. After peace terms were mutually agreed upon, the now-allied groups would hold a ceremony of peace at the battlefield upon which they had fought. [1] At the ceremony, an elderly woman from both sides would place the leaves of a daka plant and some sugarcane at the center of the battlefield as gifts for the other group. [1] These plants symbolized calm, coolness, and healing in Fore culture, and thus were often used to indicate times of rejoice and peace. [1] After the plants were placed, an elderly man from both groups would go to the center and chew on the sugarcane, symbolizing acceptance for the gifts. [1] After this, singing and cheering would often ensue. Speeches lauding the warriors of both sides and flattering the new allies were commonly delivered by both sides as well. [1][3]
Fore clans also placed significant emphasis on keeping strong relations with allied clans, often inviting them to pork feasts. This, in part, led to very durable alliances between some clans and helped keep the peace once the fighting had ceased. [1]
Colonial Influence on Warfare
After contact with Australian colonial forces in the late 1940s and early 1950s, violence between clans abruptly came to an end. [3] Colonial forces brought a centralized, overarching power to the Fore region, establishing judicial systems and winning the respect and cooperation of the native people. Colonial forces and patrol officers also brought new goods to the region, which the Fore called mono’ana and valued greatly. The decreased competition over resources and power in the region led to the relative dissolution of rivalries. [8] Quarrels were typically resolved by the lululai, respected natives who were chartered by Australian forces to be local representatives of the Australian government. [1] Australian patrol forces, called kiaps, also helped keep the peace by enforcing punishments on aggressors. The Australian Colonial Administration referred to this project of ending violence and establishing control in the Fore region as the “pacification project.” [1] They established the Court of Native Affairs, which featured both native and Australian representatives responsible for the resolution of civil disputes amongst the Fore. [1]
At first, the Fore distrusted and feared the colonial forces. [9] Rituals were performed as a precaution after coming into contact with colonial forces, for fear that they may be evil spirits. [3] However, as time went on, it became a position of social privilege for the Fore to be associated with patrol officers and colonials. Despite this, there are many accounts of natives who were treated poorly by patrol officers. [3] Fore assistants were often overworked and under-compensated, and were sometimes subject to verbal attacks by patrol officers. Despite these transgressions, disagreements between patrol officers and natives were sporadic. [3]
The mixture of Australian hegemony in the region, a centralized governance, an established court, incoming wealth, and the already present desire of the Fore to stop warfare led to a lasting peace in the region.
The Influence of Colonial Forces on Culture
Foreign influence brought much change to the culture of the Fore, both directly and indirectly. Throughout the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, foreign presence in the Fore region was common. [1] Along with Australian colonial forces, scientists studying local diseases and Christian missionaries frequented the region. [3]
The native religion of the Fore was slowly replaced with Christianity, due to the establishment of missions and influence of missionaries. [3] This change is partially responsible for the halting of the Fore ritual of consuming deceased relatives, which was a primary agent in the rise of the Kuru disease. Furthermore, the rigidity of clans and clan alliances began to dissolve, due to the halting of warfare and abundance of resources. [1] Men and women began to mix more freely, as did people of different clans. [8] Trade networks were vastly expanded due to the introduction of roads and more advanced transportation technology. Foreign crops and technology were embraced by Fore society, such as coffee beans and steel tools. [1] Additionally, foreign influence and resources led to the establishment of clinics in the region, which helped decrease Fore mortality rates and bring western health practices to the Fore. [3]
The Influence of Kuru & Other Diseases on Fore Culture
Kuru and other diseases such as dysentery and whooping cough had a significant influence on Fore culture. [4] Oftentimes, these diseases represented the physical manifestations of sorcery to the Fore people, which contributed to warfare and the development of religious rituals against sorcery. [5] Furthermore, because Kuru predominantly affected female, as women more commonly partook in cannibalistic religious rituals, there was a significant sex imbalance in Fore society. By some accounts, this gender imbalance reached a 3:1 male to female ratio at its worst. [9] This affected the family structure of the Fore, as it became commonplace for children to be raised and cared for only by their fathers.
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- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Schwoerer, Tobias (2014). "The Red Flag of Peace: Colonial Pacification, Cargo Cults, and the End of War among the South Fore". Anthropologica. 56.
- ^ Bennett, J. H. "Population Studies in the Kuru Region of New Guinea". Oceania. 33.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Beasley, AN. "Frontier Journeys. Fore Experiences on the Kuru Patrols". Oceania. 79.
- ^ a b c d e Lindenbaum, Shirley (1979). Kuru Sorcery: Disease and Danger in the New Guinea Highlands (Explorations in World Ethnology). Palo Alto: Mayfield Publishing Company. ISBN 0874843626.
- ^ a b Brown, Paula (1978). Highland Peoples of New Guinea. Cambridge University Press. p. 64. ISBN 0521292492.
The prevalence of Kuru disease in Fore made it an important focus for sorcery belief; in this case, accusations were made against nearby enemy districts. But other diseases and deaths are also attributed by Fore to sorcery.
- ^ Brown, Paula (1978). Highland Peoples of New Guinea. University of Cambridge Press. p. 64.
Accusations of sorcery are sometimes the beginnings of fights and migrations.
- ^ a b c Griffin, James (1979). Papua New Guinea, a political history. Richmond, Victoria: Heinemann Educational Australia. ISBN 0858591979.
- ^ a b Sorenson, Richard (1972). "Socio-Ecological Change Among the Fore of New Guinea". Current Anthropology. 13: 349–383.
- ^ a b Lindenbaum, Shirley. "Kuru, Prions, & Human Affairs: Thinking About Epidemics". Annual Review of Anthropology. 30: 363–385.