James I | |
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King of Scots | |
Reign | 4 April 1406 – 21 February 1437 |
Coronation | 21 May 1424 |
Predecessor | Robert III |
Successor | James II |
Burial | |
Spouse | Joan Beaufort |
Issue | Margaret, Dauphine of France Isabella, Duchess of Brittany Eleanor, Archduchess of Austria Mary, Countess of Buchan Joan, Countess of Morton Alexander, Duke of Rothesay James II of Scotland Annabella, Countess of Huntly |
House | House of Stewart |
Father | Robert III of Scotland |
Mother | Annabella Drummond |
James I, king of Scots (reign: 1406 – 37) was the youngest son of Robert III and Annabella Drummond. He was born probably in late July 1394 in Dunfermline and by the time he was aged eight both of his elder brothers were dead. Robert died in infancy, and David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay died in Falkland Castle while being detained by his uncle Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany. Although parliament exonerated Albany of involvement in Rothesay's death, fears for James's safety grew during the winter of 1405–6 and plans were made to send him out of harms way to France. In February 1406 James in the company of forces loyal to Robert III clashed with those of the Albany–Douglas party forcing the prince to take temporary refuge on the Bass Rock in the Forth estuary. He remained there until mid-March when a vessel was found bound for France but English pirates captured the ship on 22 March and delivered James to Henry IV of England. On 4 April Robert III died and the 12 year old prince, now the uncrowned king of Scots, began his 18 year detention.
James given a good education at the English court where he developed respect for English methods of governance and for Henry V to the extent of serving in the English army against the French during 1420–1. Albany's son, Murdoch, held a prisoner in England following his capture in 1402 was traded by his father for Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland in 1416. This furthered James's suspicions of the intent of the Albany Stewarts. By the time James was ransomed in 1424, Murdoch had succeeded his father to the dukedom and the governorship of Scotland. In April 1424 James accompanied by his wife Joan Beaufort, daughter of the earl of Somerset, returned to Scotland but it was not altogether a popular re-entry to Scottish affairs having fought on behalf of Henry V and at times against Scottish forces in France. Additionally his £40,000 ransom meant increased taxes for repayments and the detention of Scottish nobles as collateral. Despite this, James also held qualities that were admired. The contemporary Scotichronicon by Walter Bower described James as excelling at sport, in literature and music. Unlike his father and grandfather he did not take mistresses but had many children by his consort, Queen Joan. The king had a strong desire to impose law and order among his subjects but applied it selectively at times.
James, in attempts to bolster his authority and to secure the position of the crown, launched pre-emptive attacks on his nobles including his close relatives, the Albany Stewarts who were almost wiped out in 1425. In 1428 in Inverness, James had Alexander, Lord of the Isles detained while attending a parliament—Archibald, Earl of Douglas was arrested in 1431 followed by George, Earl of March in 1434. The ransom hostages held in England were forgotten about and the repayment money was diverted into the construction of his Linlithgow Palace and other grandiose schemes.
In August 1436, James failed humiliatingly in his siege of Roxburgh Castle and then faced an ineffective attempt by Sir Robert Graham to arrest him at a general council. James was murdered at Perth on the night of 20–1 February 1437 in a failed coup by his kinsman and former ally Walter Stewart, Earl of Atholl. Queen Joan, although wounded, escaped to the safety of Edinburgh Castle where she has reunited with her son James II.
Prince and Steward of Scotland
editJames was born in Dunfermline probably in late July 1394, 27 years after the marriage of his parents Robert III and Annabella Drummond. [1] It was at Dunfermline and also Scone that James would have spent most of his early childhood in his mother's household.[2] The prince was seven years old when his mother died in 1401 and a year later his elder brother David, Duke of Rothesay was probably murdered by their uncle Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany after being held at Albany's Falkland Castle.[3] Prince James was now heir to the throne and the only impediment to the transfer of the royal line to the Albany Stewarts.[4] In 1402 Albany and his close ally Archibald, Earl of Douglas were absolved from any involvement in Rothesay's death and Albany was once again appointed king's lieutenant. Albany rewarded Douglas for his support by allowing him to resume hostilities with England.[5] The Albany and Douglas affinity received a severe set-back in September 1402 when their large army was defeated at Homildon and numerous prominent nobles and adherents were captured including Douglas himself, Albany's son Murdoch, and the earls of Moray, Angus and Orkney (Orkney was quickly ransomed). That same year, as well as the death of Rothesay, Alexander Leslie, Earl of Ross and Malcolm Drummond, lord of Mar had also died.[6] These events created an enormous political void in both the north and south of the country. [6] In the north an enforced reconciliation between Albany and his brother Alexander Stewart, Earl of Buchan and Buchan's son, also Alexander, soon to be Earl of Mar, while in the south Henry Sinclair, Earl of Orkney and Sir David Fleming, both firm supporters of Robert III, sought to take advantage of the absence of Douglas from his Lothian and border power base.[7]
In December 1404 the royal Stewart lands in Ayrshire and around the Firth of Clyde were granted to James by his father in regality and so protected from outside interference but also to act as a territorial base should the need arise.[8] In 1405 James was under the protection of Bishop Henry Wardlaw of St Andrews while the prince's principal supporters Orkney and Fleming, not confronting Albany's interests, began to play an increasingly important role in border politics and foreign relations with England and by doing so built up Douglas resentment.[9] The decision to send the young prince to France and out of Albany's reach was taken in the winter of 1405–6.[10] Even though, James's departure from Scotland was unplanned. In February 1406 Bishop Wardlaw placed the prince into the care of Orkney and Fleming who with a large mounted force proceeded from St Andrews through Fife and into hostile Douglas east Lothian. This may have been to show that James's custodians had royal approval to further their influence in Douglas country.[11] This provoked a fierce response from James Douglas of Balvenie who fought and killed Fleming while Orkney managed to escape with James to the comparative safety of the Bass Rock in the Firth of Forth.[2] They lived on the rock for more than a month before a ship from Danzig, the Maryenknyght, bound for France took them on board.[12] On 22 March 1406 the ship was taken by English pirates off Flamborough Head and James became a prisoner of King Henry IV of England. Robert III was at Rothesay Castle when he learned of his son's capture and died soon afterwards on 4 April 1406 and was buried in the Stewart foundation abbey of Paisley.[13]
King in captivity
editJames, now the uncrowned king of Scotland, began his 18 years of detention while Albany moved seamlessly from his position as lieutenant to that of governor. Albany took James's lands under his own control depriving the king of income and any of the regalia of his position and was referred to in records as 'the son of the late king'.[14] The king did have a small household of Scots paid for by the English—these included Henry Sinclair, Earl of Orkney, Sir David Fleming's nephew, Alexander Seton and Orkney's brother John Sinclair after the earl's return to Scotland.[14] James maintained contact with his subjects during his captivity including his cousin Murdoch Stewart, Albany's son, who had been held prisoner since 1402—initially they were held apart but from 1413 until Murdoch's release in 1415 they were together in the Tower of London and at Windsor Castle.[14] While at Windsor sometime between July 1417 and late 1419, a failed attempt by dissidents to remove James from Windsor Castle was carried out. [15]
From 1419 Henry V's treatment of James changed from regarding the Scottish king as a hostage to one more of a guest at his court.[16] James's value to Henry became apparent in 1420 when he accompanied the English king to France where his presence was used against the Scots fighting on the Dauphinist side. Following the success of breaking the siege of Melun, a town southeast of Paris, the Scots were hanged for treason against their king. [17] After returning to England, James attended Queen Catherine's coronation on 23 February 1421 receiving an honoured position of sitting immediately on the queen's left at the coronation banquet.[16] In March, Henry began a circuit of the important towns in England designed to emphasise the strength of his rule. During this tour he knighted James on St Georges day.[16] By July, the two kings were back campaigning in France where James, who clearly approved of Henry's methods of kingship, seemed content to endorse Henry's desire for the French crown.[2] Henry appointed the Duke of Bedford and James as the joint commanders of the siege of Dreux on 18 July 1421 and 20 August was successfully completed following the garrison's surrender. [18] Henry died of dysentery on 31 August 1422 and James accompanied the funeral retinue back to England in September. [2]
The infant Henry VI's ruling council was inclined to have James released as soon as possible. In the spring and summer of 1423 their attempts to resolve the issue met with little response from the Scots, clearly influenced by the Albany Stewarts and adherents.[19] From 1421, Archibald, Earl of Douglas had been in regular contact with James and they formed an alliance that was to prove pivotal in 1423. Douglas was the most powerful of the Scottish magnates but his position in the borders and Lothians was threatened—not only did he have to forcibly retake Edinburgh Castle from his own appointed deputy but was probably under pressure from the earls of Angus and March. [20] In return for James's endorsement of Douglas's position in the kingdom, the earl was able to deliver his affinity in the cause of the king's home-coming. Also the relationship between Murdoch—now Duke of Albany following his father's death in 1420—and his own appointee Bishop William Lauder seemed to be under strain perhaps indicating an influential grouping at odds with Murdoch's stance. [21] Pressure from these advocates for the king almost certainly compelled Murdoch to agree to a general council in August 1423 when it was agreed that an embassy should be sent to England to negotiate James's release. [22] James's relationship with the House of Lancaster changed in February 1423 when he married Joan Beaufort, a cousin of Henry VI and the niece of Thomas, Duke of Exeter and Henry, Bishop of Winchester. [23] A ransom treaty of 60,000 marks (less a dowery remittance of 10,000 marks) was agreed at Durham on 28 March 1424 to which James attached his own seal—he and his queen accompanied by an escort of English and Scottish nobles proceeded to Melrose Abbey arriving on 5 April where he met Albany to receive the governor's seal of office. [24] [25]
Personal rule
editFirst acts
editJames returned to a Scotland whose economy was in deep recession and where nobles such as James Douglas of Balvenie, owed emoluments for their national appointments, were allowed to receive income from customs revenue—by 1422 Albany's fees for his governorship had also been in arrears.[26] It was against this backdrop that James's coronation took place at Scone on 21 May 1424. At his coronation parliament the king—probably with the intent of securing a cohesive political community loyal to the crown—knighted 18 prominent nobles including Albany's son Alexander Stewart. [27] Called primarily to discuss issues surrounding the finance of the ransom payments, the parliament heard James underline his position and authority as monarch. He ensured the passing of legislation designed to substantially improve crown income by revoking the patronage of royal predecessors and guardians of grants from the customs to certain nobles. [28] Despite this, James was still dependent on the nobility, especially Douglas, for their support and initially adopted a non-confrontational stance. [2] The early exception to this was Walter Stewart, Albany's son. Walter was the heir to the earldom of Lennox and had been in open revolt against his father during 1423 for not giving way to his younger brother Alexander for this title and also disagreed with his father's acquiescence to the return of James to Scotland. [29] With Duke Murdoch's seeming approval, James had Walter arrested on 13 May 1424 and imprisoned on the Bass Rock. At this stage, it is probable that the king felt unable to move against the rest of the Albany Stewarts while Murdoch's brother, John Stewart, Earl of Buchan and the Earl of Douglas were heroically fighting the English on the Dauphinist cause in France. [30] Buchan possessed an international reputation and commanded a large Scottish army but both he and Douglas fell at the Battle of Verneuil and the Scottish host routed leaving Albany exposed without a returning Buchan led army.[29][31]
Ruthless and acquisitive
editDouglas's death at Verneuill was to weaken the position of his son Archibald, the 5th earl. On 12 October 1424, the king and the new Douglas earl met at Melrose Abbey ostensibly to agree the appointment of John Fogo, a monk of Melrose, to the abbacy. [32] The meeting may also have been intended as an official acceptance of Douglas but it signalled a change in the Black Douglas predominance vis-a-vis the crown and other nobles. Important Douglas allies died in France and some of their heirs realigned with rival nobles through blood ties while at the same time Douglas experienced a loosening of allegiances in the Lothians and the loss of his power base of Edinburgh Castle all served to improve James's position. [33] Despite this, James continued to retain Black Douglas support allowing him to begin a campaign of political alienation against Albany and his family. The king's rancor directed at Duke Murdoch had its roots in history—Duke Robert was responsible for his brother David's death and neither Robert nor Murdoch exerted themselves in negotiating James's release and must have left the king with the suspicion that they harboured aspirations for the throne itself. [34] Buchan's lands did not fall to the Albany Stewarts but were taken back to the crown, Albany's father-in-law, Duncan earl of Lennox was imprisoned and in December the duke's main ally Alexander Stewart, earl of Mar settled his differences with the king. [2] An acrimonious sitting of parliament in March 1425 precipitated the arrest of Murdoch, Isabella, his wife, and his son Alexander—of Albany's other sons Walter was already in prison and James, his youngest, also known as James the Fat, escaped into the Lennox. [29]
James the Fat led the men of Lennox and Argyll in open rebellion against the crown and this may have been all the king needed to bring a charge of treason against the Albany Stewarts. [35] Murdoch, his sons Walter and Alexander and Duncan, Earl of Lennox were in Stirling Castle for their trial on 18 May at a specially convened parliament. An assize of seven earls and fourteen lesser nobles heard the evidence that linked the prisoners to the rebellion in the Lennox—the four men were condemned, Walter on 24 May and the others on 25 May and immediately beheaded in 'front of the castle'. [36] James demonstrated a ruthless and avaricious side to his nature in the destruction of his close family, the Albany Stewarts, that yielded the three forfeited earldoms of Fife, Menteith and Lennox. [37] An enquiry set up by James in 1424 into the dispersal of crown estates since the reign of Robert I exposed legal defects in a number of transactions where the earldoms of Mar, March and Strathearn together with the Black Douglas lordships of Selkirk and Wigtown were found to be problematic—Strathearn and March were forfeited in 1427 and 1435 respectively. [38] Forfeiture of the earldom of Mar in 1435 on Alexander Stewart's death without heir also meant the lordships of Garioch and Badenoch reverting to the crown. [39] James sought to boost his income further through taxation and succeeded in getting parliament to pass legislation in 1424 for a tax to go towards paying off the ransom—£26,000 was raised for this purpose but only £12,000 was actually sent to England by James. [40] By 1429, James stopped all ransom payments and used the remainder of the taxation on buying canons and luxury goods from Flanders. [41] Following a fire in tha castle of Linlithgo in 1425, funds were also diverted to the building of Linlithgow Palace which continued until James's death in 1437. This absorbed an estimated one tenth of royal income. [42]
Men of the Isles
editJames associated himself more with the lowlands than his father or grandfather did, only venturing into highland areas occasionally yet when he did, his actions were repressive and unconciliatory. [43] In July 1428, a general council sat at Perth with the king requiring the agreement of the Three Estates to finance an expedition to the Highlands with the intention of bringing the semi-autonomous Lord of the Isles and his affinity within the royal authority. The leaders of the Gaelic kindreds in the north and west were summoned by James to a general council in Inverness. Of those assembled the king arrested around 50 of them including Alexander, the third Lord of the Isles and his mother, Mary countess of Ross around 24 August. [44] A few were executed but the remainder except Alexander and his mother were quickly released. James failed in a bid to split Clan Donald—Alexander's uncle John Mór was approached by an agent of the king to take the clan leadership but his refusal to have any dealings with the king while his nephew was held prisoner led to John Mór's attempted arrest and subsequent death. The king's need for strong and friendly leadership in the west and north led him to pursue a rapprochement with Alexander hoping that Alexander would now become a loyal servant of the crown and released him. [45] Alexander, probably under pressure from his close kinsmen Donald Balloch, John Mór's son, and Alasdair Carrach of Lochaber, led a rebellion against James and attacked the castle and burgh of Inverness in spring 1429. [46] A crisis then developed for James when a fleet from the Lordship was dispatched to bring back James the Fat from Ulster 'to convey him home that he might be king'. The English, following an intent by James to form an alliance with the Ulster O'Donnells of Tyreconnell against the MacDonalds, were wary of the Scottish king's aims and also tried to bring James the Fat to England to act as leverage. [47] Before he could become an active player, James the Fat died suddenly releasing James to prepare for decisive action against the Lordship. [48] The armies met in Lochaber and Alexander, after suffering the defection of Clan Chattan and Clan Cameron, was heavily defeated.[49] Alexander escaped and journeyed probably to Islay but in August 1429 realising his position was hopeless tried to negotiate his surrender but James demanded and received his total submission. [50] After Alexander's submission in Holyrood Abbey in August 1429 the king delegated royal authority for the keeping of the peace in the north and west to Alexander Stewart, Earl of Mar. [51] The Islesmen rose again in September 1431 and inflicted two important defeats on the king's men—Mar's army was beaten at Inverlochy while a fierce battle in Strathnaver in Sutherland repulsed the crown forces.[52] This was serious a setback for James and his credibility was seriously damaged.[53] In 1431, before the September uprising, the king had arrested two of his nephews, John Kennedy of Carrick and Archibald, Earl of Douglas possibly as a result of a conflict between John and his uncle, Thomas Kennedy in which Douglas may have become involved. [54] Tensions in the country were further raised with Douglas's arrest and it was against this background that James called for parliament to sit at Perth on 15 October to seek provision of funds for further conflict with the Lordship. On 29 September James acted to reduce the unrest by freeing Douglas and likely made his release conditional on his support in parliament. [53] Parliament was in no mood to allow James unconditional backing—he was allowed a tax for his highland campaign but the method of gathering and re-distribution of the funds were not given to the king.[55] The rules parliament attached to the taxation indicated a robust stand against further conflict in the north and probably led to the turnaround that took place on 22 October when the king 'forgave the offence of each earl, namely Douglas and Ross [i.e. Alexander]' and both men were freed—for Douglas this was a formal acknowledgement of his being freed two weeks earlier but for Alexander this was a total reversal of crown policy that had been directed towards the Lordship. Four summer campaigns against Alexander and his kin were now officially at an end. The direction that James wanted to go had been foiled by parliament. [55]
Foreign policy
editIn 1424 when Henry VI's ruling council released James it expected the Scottish king to be compliant, to keep the peace between the kingdoms and to stop Scottish support for France but by 1430 he would emerge as a confident and independent minded European prince. [56] The only real points of issue between the two countries were the ransom payments and the renewal of the truce due to expire in 1430. In 1428 after setbacks on the battlefield Charles VII of France sent a distinguished embassy lead by Renault of Chartres, Archbishop of Rheims to Scotland to persuade James to renew the alliance—the terms were to include the marriage of the princess Margaret to Louis the Dauphin of France and a gift of the county of Saintonge to James.[57] The ratification of the treaty by Charles took place in October 1428 and James, now with the intended marriage of his daughter into the French royal family and the possession of French lands, had his political importance in Europe boosted. [58]
The effectiveness of the Auld Alliance with France had virtually ceased after Verneuil and its renewal in 1428 did not alter that—James adopted a much more non-aligned position with England, France and Burgandy while at the same time opening up diplomatic contacts with Aragon, Austria, Castile, Denmark, Milan, Naples and the Vatican. [59] Generally, Scotto–English relations were relatively amiable and an extension of the truce until 1436 helped the English cause in France and the promises made in 1428 of a Scottish army to help Charles VII and the marriage of James's eldest daughter to the French king's son Louis were unrealised. [60] The truce with England expired in May 1436 but James's perception of the Anglo-French conflict changed following a realignment of the combatants. The breakdown of the talks between England and France in 1435 precipitated an alliance between Burgundy and France and a request from France for Scottish involvement in the war and for the fulfillment of the promised marriage of Princess Margaret to the Dauphin. [61]In the spring of 1436 Princess Margaret sailed to France and in August Scotland entered the war with James leading a large army to lay siege to the English enclave of Roxburgh Castle.[2] The campaign was to prove pivotal for James. The Book of Pluscarden describes ' a detestable split and most unworthy difference arising from jealosy ' within the Scottish camp and the historian Michael Brown explains that a contemporary source has James appointing his young and inexperienced cousin Robert Stewart of Atholl as the constable of the host ahead of the experienced march wardens the earls of Douglas and Angus. Brown informs that both earls possessed considerable local interests and that the effects of such a large army living off the land may have created considerable resentment and hostility in the area. When the militant prelates of York and Durham together with the Earl of Northumberland took their forces into the marches to relieve the fortress, the Scots swiftly retreated—a chronicle written a year later said that the Scots 'had fled wretchedly and ignominiously'—but the effects and the manner of the defeat and the loss of their expensive artillery was a major reversal for James both in terms of foreign policy and internal authority. [62] [63]
Assassination
edit... Yitte dowte I nott but theat yee schulle see the daye and tyme that ye schulle pray for my sowle, for the grete good that I have done to yow, and to all this reume of Scotteland, that I have thus slayne and deliverde yow of so crewell a tyrant...
Sir Robert Graham [64]
The retreat from Roxburgh exposed the king to questions regarding his control over his subjects, his military competence and his diplomatic abilities yet he remained determined to continue with the war against England. [65] Just two months after the Roxburgh debacle, James called a general council in October 1436 to finance further hostilities through more taxation.[66] The estates firmly resisted this and their opposition was articulated by their speaker Sir Robert Graham, a former Albany attendant and a servant of the king's uncle, Walter Stewart earl of Atholl. The council then witnessed an unsuccessful attempt by Graham to have the king arrested resulting in the knight's imprisonment followed by banishment but James did not see Graham's actions as part of an extended threat. [67] In February 1437 James lodged at the Blackfriars monastery on the outskirts of Perth accompanied by the queen but separated from most of their servants. [68] The king's cousin Sir Robert Stewart, heir to his grandfather Walter, Earl of Atholl, was chamberlain of the royal household and used his privileged position to allow a small band of former Albany adherents led by Robert Graham to enter the building. [69] [70] James was alerted to the men's presence after servants discovered their approach giving the king time to hide in a sewer tunnel but with its exit recently blocked off James was trapped and killed. [71] Although wounded, the queen managed to escape and sent a directive ahead to Edinburgh for the now James II to be shielded from any widening of the conspiracy and had the boy king's custodian, the pro-Atholl John Spens, removed from his post and replaced by the trusted John Balfour. [71] The regicide of James I came so unexpectedly that a period of disorder took hold before James II was crowned at Hollyrood Abbey on 25 March 1437 but it wasn't until early May that the main conspirators, Walter of Atholl, his grandson Robert Stewart and Robert Graham were gruesomely executed.[72]
Historiography
editEarly
editThe king, was of medium height, a little on the short side, with a well-proportioned body and large bones, strong limbed and unbelievably active, so that he . . . would challenge any one of his magnates of any size to wrestle with him.
— Walter Bower, Abbot of Inchcolm (written c.1424) [73]
... [the king was] stocky and weighed down with fat [with] clear and piercing eyes
— future Pope Pius II, Eneas Silvius Piccolomini (written 1435) [73]
Michael Brown provides an insight into what contemporaries thought of James I. Walter Bower abbot of Inchcolm lists James's accomplishments as a musician—'not just as an enthusiastic amateur' but a master, 'another Orpheus.' His mastery included the organ, drum, flute and lyre. James's sporting abilities such as wrestling, hammer throwing, archery and jousting are also listed by Bower. He described James as possessing an 'eagerness' in 'literary composition and writing', the best known of which is his love poem, The Kingis Quair. Bower characterised the king as 'a tower, a lion, a light, a jewel, a pillar and a leader' and was 'our law giver king' who ended the 'thieving, dishonest conduct and plundering'. Brown also writes of how Bower described the king as capable of stabbing a near relative through the hand for creating a disturbance at court. He describes how the abbot was generally supportive of James but that he and others' regretted the demise of the Albany Stewarts and that he was confounded by James's greed for territory and wealth. Although Bower didn't dwell at length on the negative aspects of James's character he alluded to the dismay of even those close to the king at his harsh regime. [74] [2] Brown also provides a contemporary contrasting view to Bower's when he gives John Shirley's translated account of the events leading up to James's murder in the work The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis. This chronicle provided an accurate narrative of politics in Scotland and which must have depended upon knowledgable witnesses. The Dethe describes James as 'tyrannous' and whose actions were motivated by revenge and 'covetise . . . than for anny laweful cawse'. Brown describes how Shirley agrees with Bower when discussing the Albany Stewarts when he wrote that the Albanys 'whos dethe the people of the land sore grutched and mowrned'. [75] Writing nearly a century later both the chroniclers John Mair and Hector Boece relied extensively on Bower for their own narratives. They described James as the embodiment of good monarchy with Mair's eulogy that James '...indeed excelled by far in virtue his father, grandfather and his great-grandfather nor will I give precedence over the first James to any of the Stewarts' while Boece in similar vein calls James the 'maist vertuous Prince that evir was afoir his days'. [76] According to Brown, late in the 16th century the early historians George Buchanan and Bishop John Lesley from opposite ends of the religious spectrum both looked favourably on James's reign but were uneasily mindful of an enduring aggressive history regarding the king. [76]
Modern
editThe first 20th century history James I was written by E.W.M. Balfour-Melville in 1936 and continued the theme of James as the strong upholder of law and order and when describing Albany's trial and execution he writes 'the King had proved that high rank was no defence for lawlessness; the crown was enriched by the revenues of Fife, Menteith and Lennox'. [77] Balfour-Melville views James as a lawmaker and a 'reformer' whose legislation was aimed at not only increasing the position of the king but of parliament. [78] Michael Lynch describes how James's positive reputation began immediately after his death when the Bishop of Urbino kissed James's wounds and declared him to be a martyr. He suggests that the praise of the pro-James Scottish chroniclers and also of some modern historians to 'find strong king's to applaud' should not diminish the extent of parliament's ability to restrain the king nor minimise the confrontation that took place between James and a more self-assured parliament. [79] Alexander Grant repudiates James's reputation as the 'law giver' and explains that nearly all of the king's legislation were reconstructs of laws laid down by previous monarchs and concludes that the notion of James's return to Scotland in 1424 was a sea change in the development of Scots law is 'an exaggeration'. [80] Steve Boardman takes the view that by the time of his death James had succeeded in breaking down the constraints on the exercise of royal authority which were rooted in the 'settlement of the kingdom' by Robert II. [81] Christine McGladdery describes how opposing views were the result of 'competing propaganda after the murder'. To those who were glad to see the king dead, James was a tyrant who without reason aggressively assailed the nobility imposing forfeiture on their estates and who 'failed to deliver justice to his people'. The opposite viewpoint was that the king was seen as providing 'strong leadership against magnate excesses' and that his demise 'was a disaster' that left the people to put up with the years 'of consequent faction fighting'. She writes that James was the example for the Stewart kings to follow by putting Scotland securely into a European setting. [71] Michael Brown describes James as an 'able, aggressive and opportunistic politician' whose chief aim was to establish a monarchy that had stature and was free from the confrontations that had beset his father's reign.[2] He characterises James as 'capable of highly effective short-term interventions' yet had failed to have had enduring political domination and never achieved a position of unqualified authority. Brown writes that James had come to power after 'fifty years when kings looked like magnates and magnates acted like kings' and succeeded in completely changing both the aims and outlook of the monarchy but at the cost of his own life—his policy of reducing the power and influence of the magnates, continued by his son James II, led to a more subordinate nobility. [82]
Notes
edit- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 9
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Brown M. H., James I, ODNB
- ^ Boardman, David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay ODNB
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 13
- ^ Penman, Robert III in Kings & Queens of Scotland, p. 133–4
- ^ a b Boardman, Early Stewart Kings, p. 246
- ^ Boardman, Early Stewart Kings, pp. 246–7
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 13–4
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 14–5
- ^ Boardman,Early Stewart Kings, p. 291
- ^ Boardman,Early Stewart Kings, pp. 293–4
- ^ Boardman,Early Stewart Kings, pp. 295–6
- ^ Penman, Kings and Queens of Scotland, p. 134
- ^ a b c Brown, Michael, James I, p. 18
- ^ Wylie and Waugh, Reign of Henry the Fifth, p. 395, footnote 3
- ^ a b c Stevenson, Chivalry and knighthood in Scotland, 1424-1513 p. 170
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 23
- ^ Wylie and Waugh, Reign of Henry the Fifth, pp. 326–7
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 26
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 26–7
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 27
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 27–8
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 24–25
- ^ Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 50
- ^ MacQuarrie, Kingship and Nation, p. 215
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, pp. 141–3
- ^ Stevenson, Chivalry and knighthood in Scotland, 1424-1513 pp. 171–2
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 48
- ^ a b c Brown M. H., Murdoch Stewart, ODNB
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 144
- ^ Brown M. H., John Stewart, ODNB
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 52
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 53
- ^ McGladdery, James II, p. 6
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 63
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 65–6
- ^ MacQuarrie, Kingship and Nation, p. 215–6
- ^ Grant, Independence and Nationhood, p. 189
- ^ MacQuarrie, Kingship and Nation, p. 216
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 145
- ^ Grant, Independence and Nationhood, p. 188
- ^ Historic Scotland, Investigating Linlithgow Palace
- ^ McGladdery, James II, p. 7
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 96–7
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 100
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 100–1
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 101
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 101–2
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 102
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 102–3
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p. 104
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 138–9
- ^ a b Brown, James I, p. 139
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp. 133–4
- ^ a b Brown, James I, pp. 139–40
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, p.109
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp.109–10
- ^ Brown, Michael, James I, pp.110–1
- ^ Grant, Independence and Nationhood, p.48
- ^ Grant, Independence and Nationhood, p.49
- ^ Brown, James I, p.162
- ^ Brown, James I, pp.164–5
- ^ Grant, Independence and Nationhood, p.50
- ^ Brown, 'I have thus slain a tyrant' - The Dethe of the Kynge ofScotis, p. 24
- ^ Brown, James I, p. 174
- ^ MacQuarrie, Kingship and Nation, p. 219
- ^ McGladdery, The Kings & Queens of Scotland: James I, p. 140
- ^ Brown M. H., James I, ODNB
- ^ MacQuarrie, Kingship and Nation, p. 219
- ^ McGladdery, The Kings & Queens of Scotland: James I, pp. 140, 143
- ^ a b c McGladdery, The Kings & Queens of Scotland: James I, p. 143
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 146
- ^ a b Brown, Michael, James I, p. 2
- ^ Brown, James I, pp. 2–4
- ^ Brown, James I, p. 73
- ^ a b Brown, James I, p. 6
- ^ Donaldson, Scottish Kings, p. 70
- ^ Brown, James I, p. xii
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 146
- ^ Grant, Independence and Nationhood, pp. 189–190
- ^ Boardman, Kingship, Oxford Companion to Scottish History (Online Ed.)
- ^ Brown, James I, pp. 207–8
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- Lynch, Michael (1992), Scotland: A New History, London: Pimlico, ISBN 0-7126-9893-0
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