Links
editWales
editConquest of Wales:
- current text: "For the Welsh, this war was over national identity, enjoying wide support, provoked particularly by attempts to impose English law on Welsh subjects"
- Davies explains this rather differently: Edward "made a mockery" of the law to dispossess properties from Welsh landowners and engaged in the "gratuitous belittling of his opponents", "one of the most consistent and unattractive features of his character as King" (other examples taking place in Scotland for example) p346-7
- Suggest: "For the Welsh, this war was over national identity and the right to traditional Welsh law, enjoying wide support, provoked by attempts led by Edward to abuse the English legal system to harass and humiliate Welsh landowners, especially former opponents"
- current text: "For Edward, it became a war of conquest rather than simply a punitive expedition, like the former campaign"
- Justifying his actions, Edward refers to the "put and end finally to … the malice of the Welsh" several times mentioning the "malice of the Welsh", ought to be quoted as the official reasoning. Davies in general emphasises Edward's dislike of the Welsh. See Davies p346-7.
- Suggest:"For Edward, it became a war of conquest aimed to "put and end finally to … the malice of the Welsh"."
- current text: Further rebellions occurred in 1287–88 and, more seriously, in 1294, under the leadership of Madog ap Llywelyn, a distant relative of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd.[108] This last conflict demanded the King's own attention, but in both cases the rebellions were put down
- Davies explains that Edward rapidly changed the nature of governance and political power in Wales. There was a "massive programme of disinheritance" of the former Welsh aristocracy, (p361) and the grestest beneficiary from this was Edward p362-3. The administration was for a generation or so that of a military occupation, p365 and had a ""distinctively colonial flavour". p366. Taxation and revenues were collected with "ruthless … efficiency". p367. English law was imposed in most matters. p367-8. The conquest left a "deep legacy of despair and bitterness" p379. Day to day grievances accumulated and did not have an outlet, p379-80, Edward had not learnt and failed to restrain the "greed and zeal" of his officials causing further rebellions. The second which, heavy taxation placed a big role in causing p382. It drew on "deep resentment of alien rule" and was a "classic anti-colonial revolt" p383.
Edward also continued to tax "native Wales" at the war taxation levels of Llywelyn, helping cause the rebellions.
- current text: On castles: These included the Beaumaris, Caernarfon, Conwy and Harlech castles, intended to act both as fortresses and royal palaces for the King
- R Davies says they were also civilian, "quasi-imperial" and "the headquarters of a new administrative, financial and judicial dispensation" p360
- Suggest: These included the Beaumaris, Caernarfon, Conwy and Harlech castles, intended to act as fortresses, royal palaces and as the new centre of civilian and judicial administration.
Add to Legacy section:
Edward is typically seen by Welsh medievalists as a coloniser who did immense damage to Welsh society, culture and self-confidence, which left a lasting anger.
Personality
editAdd to Legacy section:
Less sympathetic historians note Edward's frequent breaking of promises, and his vindictiveness towards enemies, often seen in quite petty but symbolic acts.
Ireland
editThemes include: the early takeover by Edward and some squabbling with his father; Edward treating Ireland as a revenue source and little else; corruption and incompetence in the administrators Edward appointed and repeatedly sacked; over-taxation to meet his war demands; speculation over food exports during the Welsh and Gascon wars; problems emerging from the Edwardian weak administration including a revival of the fortunes of the Gaelic areas' leadership, leading to regular wars in the period and following centuries. Thus although an absentee landlord, current Irish historical research sees him as signficant for the difficulties of Ireland that continued in the centuries following.
Eleanor
editCrusades section:
Unusually, Edward was accompanied by his wife Eleanor, and their child Joan was born in Acre.[1]
or
Although active partcipation in crusades was unusual for women, Edward was accompanied by his wife Eleanor, and their child Joan was born in Acre.[1]
Section on Eleanor's death
"and displayed his grief by erecting twelve so-called Eleanor crosses" add Royal power, eg:
- "and erected twelve so-called Eleanor crosses to project both his grief and royal power[2]"
Assessment or somewhere
Although Edward ensured that Eleanor did not take a direct political role, he may have benefited from her advice and support. It is noticeable that his reign was not as sure-footed after the death of Eleanor and some of his key advisors in the early 1290s.
Finances? Section on personal or family life?
Edward ensured that his wife would have sufficient income in the event of his death. He helped her acquire significant land holdings, initially through the purchase of bonded loans from Jews, sold cheaply to pay high taxation imposed by the Crown.[3] The lands held against the bonds were then acquired by Eleanor. By 1290 she acquired lands worth £2,600 anually.[4] This damaged her reputation,[5] and increased the precarious position of the Jewish community, but ensured she could live independently, with reduced call on discretionary grants from Edward.[6]
Royal propaganda
edit- Edward's building programme is noted as frequently projecting Royal power or "having an element of propaganda". (Stocker, p115). He references The History of the King's Works p370-1.
References
edit- ^ a b Hamilton 1995, pp. 94–95, 100.
- ^ Cockerill 2014, pp. 351–52.
- ^ Parsons 1995, pp. 142–3 , Carpenter 2004, p. 468
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 468.
- ^ Hillaby & Hillaby 2013, p. 13 , Morris 2009, p. 225
- ^ Parsons 1995, pp. 74–5, 123.
Additional sources
edit- Hamilton, B. (1995). "Eleanor of Castile and the Crusading Movement". Mediterranean Historical Review. 10 (1–2): 92–103. doi:10.1080/09518969508569686.