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Society

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Under Umayyad rule, Arabization and Islamization progressed significantly in al-Andalus. In the long-term, these were to comprise the two major aspects of Andalusi identity and eventually characterized most of the population.[1]

The population of the capital city, Córdoba, most likely surpassed 100,000 in the 10th century, making it the largest city in Europe alongside Constantinople.[2] Tertius Chandler estimated that circa 1000 CE, Córdoba held around 450,000 people.[3]

Language

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The adoption of the Arabic language was wide-reaching phenomenon of long-term importance. It was spearheaded by the promotion of Classical Arabic as an administrative and literary language, followed by the development of a native vernacular Andalusi Arabic.[1] In the 9th century, Romance languages continued to be spoken in rural lower classes but Arabic had become the language of the middle and upper classes. By the end of the century, even the Christian population was so widely Arabized that their clergy were required to translate religious texts into Arabic.[4]: 104 

Ethnic backgrounds

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The early population of al-Andalus at the outset of Umayyad rule had several main constituents: Arabs, Berbers, indigenous converts to Islam (Muwallads, Arabic: مولد), indigenous Christians, and Jews.[5][6] The Andalusis of Arab origin were a minority but they had formed the ruling elites since the days of the Muslim conquest. Berbers, who had made up the majority of the conquering army, were a much larger group, relatively powerful but less so than the Arab elites. The indigenous Christians were initially the majority but their proportions decreased over time as many of them converted to Islam. The indigenous Muslim converts were known as Muwallads and became very numerous in later generations.[5][6] Some of them were descended from the former Visigothic and Hispano-Roman landholding elites that existed prior to the Muslim conquest and retained much of their status after the conquest.[7] Jews were present in smaller numbers relative to the other groups.[5] According to Thomas Glick, "Despite the withdrawal of substantial numbers during the drought and famine of the 750s, fresh Berber migration from North Africa was a constant feature of Andalusi history, increasing in tempo in the tenth century. Hispano-Romans who converted to Islam, numbering six or seven millions, comprised the majority of the population and also occupied the lowest rungs on the social ladder."[8][9]

While the indigenous Jews, Christians, and Muwallads were largely organized into a family-based social structures, the Arabs and Berbers were organized into a more complex mix of family and tribe loyalties.[5] "Arab" identity in general was largely tied to the assertion of Arab ancestry. This lineage was perceived as inherited through the father, meaning that children of Arab men and non-Arab women were still considered Arabs, although the lineage of the mother, if she came from another noble or elite background, could still be seen as important.[6]: 190, 192 

Beyond the heartland of Cordoba, the makeup of the population varied depending on the region. The northern limit of Muslim settlement generally extended along a frontier that ran to the north of the Tagus River in the west, around the Cordillera Central in the center, and before the foothills of the Pyrenees in the east.[10] The region along the western frontier, known as the Lower March and including the modern-day province of Extremadura, was largely rural with the exception of the city of Mérida. Ethnic Arabs were (at least during the early Emirate period) sparse here and the Muslim population consisted mostly of Berbers, probably semi-nomadic or transhumant, and of Muwallads.[11] The region along the central frontier, near Toledo, also known as the Middle March, was again only sparsely inhabited by Arabs. The city and local politics were dominated by Muwallads, while the rural highlands were generally the domain of Berber tribes.[11] To the northeast, the Upper March, centered around Zaragoza and the Ebro River valley, contained more cities and a more diverse population, including Arabs, Berbers, and Muwallads. Among the latter were powerful families who dominated the area's politics throughout the Islamic period. The hills and mountains to the north were still generally inhabited by Christians.[12]

Religion

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Islam

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Exterior of the Great Mosque

In matters of Islamic religion, the ulama (religious scholars) and the fuqaha (judges) played the most important social role.[1] In the 9th century, both the Maliki and the Hanafi legal schools of thought (or maddhabs) were common, but the Umayyads themselves promoted the former.[1] One reason for this might be that Hanafism was seen as too closely associated with the Abbasids, whom the Umayyads considered enemies.[13] Maliki dominance solidified under the reign of Abd ar-Rahman II, though during the reign of his son, Muhammad I, the Shafi'i and Zahiri schools were also introduced.[13] Malikism eventually became another core characteristic of Andalusi identity and its spread contributed to the Islamization of the country.[1]

Christians and Jews

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As elsewhere in the historic Islamic world, Jews and Christians were considered by Muslims to be People of the Book who took on the status of dhimmis or "protected non-Muslims". In exchange for the state's protection, they were required to pay a tax called the jizya. Their religious practices were tolerated but conspicuous displays of faith, such as bells and processions, were discouraged.[14]

The local Christian Catholic church in al-Andalus was partially integrated with the Umayyad regime and its leaders collaborated with the Arab-Muslim elites. Bishops often acted as administrators and political envoys and their appointment was overseen by the Umayyad state.[4]: 107–108, 157 [15]: 353  While the Catholic church retained its internal unity, the advent of Islamic rule weakened its monopoly on religious authority over the Christian communities, resulting in many deviations from orthodox practice and the emergence of both old and new heterodoxies which co-existed alongside official church doctrine.[15]: 353–357 

The Arabized Christians of the Iberian Peninsula were later referred to as Mozarabs, from Arabic must'arab (Arabic: مُسْتَعْرَب, lit. 'Arabized').[4]: 104  This term "Mozarab" has been used by historians in various ways since the 19th century and can refer to either the Christian population living under Muslim rule – who did not call themselves by this name – or to the Arabized Christians that emigrated from al-Andalus to the Christian kingdoms in northern Iberia.[16] The term "Mozarabic" is also used to refer to the Andalusi dialect of Romance that was spoken by Christians in al-Andalus, to the Mozarabic liturgy that was a continuation of the Visigothic rite, and to the Mozarabic art and architecture, a fusion of Christian and Islamic artistic styles brought about by Christian emigrants from al-Andalus in northern Iberia.[16]

While Christians saw their status decline from their rule under the Visigoths, the status of Jews improved. While Jews were persecuted under the Visigoths, Jewish communities benefited from Umayyad rule by obtaining more freedom, affluence and a higher social standing.[17] Not much is known about the Jewish communities in al-Andalus before the 10th century, though they must have been an important presence.[4]: 150  Historical records attest that they were present in Córdoba in the 9th century.[18]: 215  During the caliphal period, some Jews entered into the circles of the caliph's court, of whom the most influential was Hasdai ibn Shaprut.[4]: 151–157 

Conversion

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The Muslim proportion of al-Andalus's population grew during Umayyad rule as native Iberians converted to Islam. As in many other lands in the early Islamic era, conversion to Islam was likely motivated primarily by social and economic considerations. As the number of converts grew, the reasons to convert likely became stronger and the process became self-reinforcing.[19] Indigenous elites had been among the first to convert as a way to preserve their status.[4]: 67  As Christian institutions weakened and the Islamic presence became clearly more permanent, a steady drift towards Islam likely took place in the rest of the Christian population seeking improved social status and economic opportunities.[20][4]: 68 

Historical sources provide little data on which to estimate the rate of conversion, but a study by Richard Bulliet has put forward a possible model of this process. It suggests that by the beginning of the 9th century only some 8% of the indigenous population had converted but that the curve of conversion increased in the second half of the 9th century, resulting in about 25% conversion around the year 900, roughly 50% towards 950, and around 75% by 1000, after which conversion slowed.[21] Half of the population in Córdoba itself is reported to have been Muslim by the 10th century, with an increase to 70 percent by the 11th century, though this was due less to local conversion than to Muslim immigration from the rest of the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa.[17]

Social status

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The elite political and social circles that formed around the Umayyads in Córdoba were known as the khāṣṣa (Arabic: الخاص). They were largely Arab, though they were also joined by individuals of non-Arab origin who climbed through the political ranks. Among the latter were various mawālī (sing. mawlā), or "clients" sponsored by powerful families. These were often Muslim converts and, unlike its connotations in the Middle East, the term mawlā typically implied an elite status.[6]: 192  Some powerful Berber leaders and scholars were also able to join the ranks of the political elites.[6]: 195 

Slavery was also a regular feature of Andalusi society and al-Andalus was a center of the slave trade in the Western Mediterranean. Merchants of all backgrounds participated in this trade.[22]: 242  Historical sources attest that slaves were commonly employed in wealthy households and especially at the royal court, but little is known of what role they may played in industries such as agriculture and mining.[22]: 242  Most slaves of this period were captured during Muslim raids on the Christian kingdoms in the northern Iberian Peninsula or they were bought in other European markets. These European slaves were known as ṣaqāliba (Arabic: صقالبة) and were highly valued. Many were castrated and sold as eunuchs, considered a very prized commodity. The latter were an integral part of Umayyad palace society and played an important role in courtly politics, including in the matter of dynastic succession, where they often allied with the women whose sons were potential candidates for the throne.[22]: 242–243  All the mothers of Umayyad emirs and caliphs were also originally slaves. In the context of elite society, slave origins held no social stigma and women could become very powerful in the household and the court. Slave girls that were considered particularly prized or gifted were usually given an extensive education in arts and literature, as was also common in the court of the Abbasid caliphs.[22]: 230 

Culture

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In high society, both men and women were expected to learn adab, a kind of etiquette common to al-Andalus and other Islamic societies at the time. Women, such as royal concubines, were sometimes sent abroad to be trained in adab and other forms of culture.[4]: 89–95 

Turkish architecture

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Architecture under the Anatolian Seljuks incorporated an eclectic mix of influences,[23] adopting local Byzantine, Armenian, and Georgian elements and combining them with designs from Islamic Syria, Iran, Iraq, and Central Asia.[24][25] Their monuments were largely built in dressed stone, with brick used for minarets.[26] Decoration was concentrated around certain elements like entrance portals and took the form of elaborate stone carving (e.g. the Ince Minareli Medrese and the Divriği complex), occasional ablaq stonework (e.g. Alâeddin Mosque in Konya), and large surfaces covered in tilework (e.g. Karatay Medrese).[27][28] As Anatolia fragmented into Beyliks during the later 13th and 14th centuries, architecture became even more diverse, particularly in western Anatolia, where proximity to the Byzantine and Mediterranean worlds encouraged further experimentation and syncretism.[29]

The architecture of the early Ottomans experimented with different building types, including single-domed mosques, multi-domed buildings, and religious buildings with T-shaped floor plans.[30] This eventually evolved into the Classical Ottoman style that was consolidated during the 16th and 17th centuries.[31] This style, drawing strong influence from the Hagia Sophia, produced grand imperial mosques designed around a central dome and a varying number of semi-domes.[32] This period is also associated with the most famous Ottoman architect, Mimar Sinan (d. 1588). Among his over 300 designs across the empire, his most important works include the Şehzade Mosque in Istanbul, the Süleymaniye Mosque in Istanbul, and the Selimiye Mosque in Edirne.[32] In decorative arts, Iznik tiles reached their artistic peak and were used in many buildings.[33][29] After the 17th century, Ottoman architecture was increasingly open to outside influences. Shifts during the Tulip Period were followed by the appearance of the Ottoman Baroque style in the 1740s.[34][35] In the 19th century, Western European influences increased and architects such as the Balyans produced eclectic works like the luxurious Dolmabaçe Palace.[36] In the early 20th-century, a kind of Ottoman revivalism known as the First National Architectural Movement was led by architects like Mimar Kemaleddin and Vedat Tek.[37][38]

Potential riad addition

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In Tlemcen, Algeria, the Mechouar Palace of the Zayyanid era (no longer extant) was built in the same architectural tradition as that of al-Andalus and present-day Morocco, with courtyards featuring gardens and kiosks.[39]: 139, 144  Modern excavations have revealed that one of its residences was originally an elongated rectangular courtyard similar to the contemporary Court of the Myrtles in the Alhambra or the madrasa of Chellah, then expanded in the late Zayyanid period to feature a large cruciform water basin.[39]: 140–143 

Refs and misc

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Baybars unused ref:[40]


Almoravid south: [41][42]

[43][44][45][46][47][48] [49] [50][51][52] [53]

Cordoba: [54]

Ottoman cats

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"Under their patronage a distinctive architectural style developed that combined the Islamic traditions of Anatolia, Iran and Syria with those of the Classical world and Byzantium."[55]

[56] (no page number)

[57] p.37

[58] p.473

Interesting but maybe not clear, mentions Goodwin:[59]

References

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sumner[60]

kuban[61]

blair[62]

goodwin[63]

Rüstem[64]

Bağcı[65]

Acun, Hakkı (2011), Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Saat Kuleleri, Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Yayınları, ISBN 9789751623706

Atasoy, Nurhan (2011). Harem. Bilkent Kültür Girişimi Publications. ISBN 9786055495060.

Bağcı, Serpil (2002). "Ottoman Tiles and Pottery". In Inalcık, Halil; Renda, Günsel (eds.). Ottoman Civilization. Vol. 2. Ankara: Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture. pp. 698–735. ISBN 9751730732.

Rüstem, Ünver (2019). Ottoman Baroque: The Architectural Refashioning of Eighteenth-Century Istanbul. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691181875.

Refs

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  1. ^ a b c d e García Sanjuán, Alejandro (2017). "al- Andalus, political history". In Fleet, Kate; Krämer, Gudrun; Matringe, Denis; Nawas, John; Rowson, Everett (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam, Three. Brill. ISBN 9789004161658.
  2. ^ Kennedy 1996, p. 107.
  3. ^ Chandler, Tertius (1987). Four thousand years of urban growth : an historical census (2nd ed.). Edwen Mellen Press. p. 129. ISBN 978-0-88946-207-6.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h Catlos, Brian A. (2018). Kingdoms of Faith: A New History of Islamic Spain. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 9780465055876.
  5. ^ a b c d Hernandez, Miguel Cruz (2016). "The Social Structure of al-Andalus during the Muslim Occupation (711–55) and the Founding of the Umayyad Monarchy". In Marin, Manuela (ed.). The Formation of al-Andalus, Part 1: History and Society. Routledge. pp. 54–55. ISBN 978-1-351-88960-5.
  6. ^ a b c d e Coope, Jessica A. (2020). "Arabs, Berbers, and Local Converts". In Fierro, Maribel (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Muslim Iberia. Routledge. pp. 189–207. ISBN 978-1-317-23354-1.
  7. ^ Fletcher 1992, p. 25.
  8. ^ Glick 2005, p. 202.
  9. ^ "The rate of conversion is slow until the tenth century (less than one-quarter of the eventual total number of converts had been converted); the explosive period coincides closely with the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman III (912–961); the process is completed (eighty percent converted) by around 1100. The curve, moreover, makes possible a reasonable estimate of the religious distribution of the population. Assuming that there were seven million Hispano-Romans in the peninsula in 711 and that the numbers of this segment of the population remained level through the eleventh century (with population growth balancing out Christian migration to the north), then by 912 there would have been approximately 2.8 million indigenous Muslims (muwalladûn) plus Arabs and Berbers. At this point Christians still vastly outnumbered Muslims. By 1100, however, the number of indigenous Muslims would have risen to a majority of 5.6 million." Glick 2005, pp. 23–24
  10. ^ Kennedy 1996, pp. 54–58, 126.
  11. ^ a b Kennedy 1996, p. 56.
  12. ^ Kennedy 1996, pp. 57–58.
  13. ^ a b Forcada, Miquel (2022). "al-Andalus, religious and rational sciences". In Fleet, Kate; Krämer, Gudrun; Matringe, Denis; Nawas, John; Rowson, Everett (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam, Three. Brill. ISBN 9789004161658.
  14. ^ Fred J. Hill et al., A History of the Islamic World 2003 ISBN 0-7818-1015-9, p.73
  15. ^ a b Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro (2023). "The Arabicized Christians in Cordoba: Social Context and Literary Production". In Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro; Monterroso-Checa, Antonio (eds.). A Companion to Late Antique and Medieval Islamic Cordoba: Capital of Roman Baetica and Caliphate of al-Andalus. Brill. pp. 353–377. ISBN 978-90-04-52415-6.
  16. ^ a b Hitchcock, Richard (2016). Mozarabs in Medieval and Early Modern Spain: Identities and Influences. Routledge. pp. ix–xviii. ISBN 978-1-317-09373-2.
  17. ^ a b Karabell, Zachary (2007). Peace Be Upon You: The Story of Muslim, Christian, and Jewish Coexistence. New York: Albert A. Knopf. p. 70.
  18. ^ Wasserstein, David J. (2020). "Christians, Jews, and the Dhimma Status". In Fierro, Maribel (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Muslim Iberia. Routledge. pp. 208–228. ISBN 978-1-317-23354-1.
  19. ^ Fletcher 1992, pp. 35–36.
  20. ^ Fletcher 1992, p. 36.
  21. ^ Fletcher 1992, pp. 36–38.
  22. ^ a b c d Marín, Manuela (2020). "Women and slaves". In Fierro, Maribel (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Muslim Iberia. Routledge. pp. 228–248. ISBN 978-1-317-23354-1.
  23. ^ Ettinghausen, Grabar & Jenkins-Madina 2001, p. 234.
  24. ^ M. Bloom, Jonathan; S. Blair, Sheila, eds. (2009). "Architecture; V. c. 900–c. 1250; C. Anatolia". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195309911.
  25. ^ Ettinghausen, Grabar & Jenkins-Madina 2001, p. 264.
  26. ^ Hattstein & Delius 2011, p. 371.
  27. ^ Ettinghausen, Grabar & Jenkins-Madina 2001, p. 241.
  28. ^ M. Bloom, Jonathan; S. Blair, Sheila, eds. (2009). "Architecture; V. c. 900–c. 1250; C. Anatolia". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195309911.
  29. ^ a b M. Bloom, Jonathan; S. Blair, Sheila, eds. (2009). "Architecture; VI. c. 1250–c. 1500; B. Anatolia". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195309911.
  30. ^ Bloom, Jonathan M.; Blair, Sheila S., eds. (2009). "Ottoman". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195309911.
  31. ^ Bloom, Jonathan M.; Blair, Sheila S., eds. (2009). "Ottoman". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195309911.
  32. ^ a b Bloom, Jonathan M.; Blair, Sheila S., eds. (2009). "Ottoman". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195309911.
  33. ^ Carswell 2006, p. 75.
  34. ^ Kuban 2010, pp. 505–509, 517–518.
  35. ^ Rüstem 2019, pp. 18–22, 55 and after.
  36. ^ Kuban 2010, pp. 605–606.
  37. ^ Bloom, Jonathan M.; Blair; Sheila S. (2009). "Kemalettin". Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art & Architecture: Three-Volume Set. Oxford University Press. p. 379. ISBN 978-0-19-530991-1.
  38. ^ Freely 2011, p. 393.
  39. ^ a b Charpentier, Agnès (2018). Tlemcen médiévale: urbanisme, architecture et arts (in French). Éditions de Boccard. ISBN 9782701805252.
  40. ^ Fromherz, Allan J. (2012). "Baybars I". In Akyeampong, Emmanuel Kwaku; Gates, Henry Louis (eds.). Dictionary of African Biography. Oxford University Press. p. 407. ISBN 978-0-19-538207-5. Although his date of birth is uncertain, most scholars agree he was born around 1233 far away from Egypt in the steppes of the Kipchak Turkish nomads.
  41. ^ Messier 2010, p. 86: "A Nor did Abu Bakr interfere with Yusuf's free hand in Morocco or Spain. The old amir ruled in the Sahara in the same way that tribal chiefs among the Sanhaja had done for generations, through a combination nation of tribal loyalties, religious appeal, and military strength. He had every intention to continue the religious revival in the vein of strict Malikite Islam. He brought to the desert a teacher from the city of Aghmat, the Imam al-Hadrami. The latter had studied Malikite law in both Qayrawan and Andalusia. Abu Bakr made him qadi, judge, in Azuggi. From there, Imam al-Hadrami went out to preach among the unbelievers."
  42. ^ Bennison 2016, p. 2: "The Arabic narrative, such as it is, posits that Abu Bakir b. 'Umar returned to the Almoravids' southern base or capital at Azuggi in modern Mauritania with a handful of Maliki jurists, including Abu Bakr Muhammad al-Muradi from Qayrawan, to orchestrate the Almoravid advance south against the Soninke kingdom of Ghana, which was successfully conquered around 1076-7 and subsequently collapsed."
  43. ^ Messier, Ronald A. (2010). The Almoravids and the Meanings of Jihad. Praeger. pp. 17, 86. ISBN 978-0-313-38589-6. [p.17] Trouble broke out once again in Sijilmasa within a year after the Almoravids had taken it. The residents of the city turned against the Almoravids who were garrisoned there, supposedly while they were praying in the mosque, and massacred many of them. Ibn Yasin began to plan a second expedition against the city of the Maghrawa. The timing could not have been worse; it seemed as if the whole of the Sahara was in rebellion! The Bani Gudala chose this moment to break away from the Sanhaja confederation. This open revolt of the Bani Gudala is linked with their rejection of Ibn Yasin; but it could also have something to do with their desire to seek their own fortune, now, along the salt routes to Awlil on the coast of the Atlantic. Regardless, it forced the Almoravids to split their forces. Ibn Yasin went north with a small detachment of Almoravid warriors. He added to his army as he went, recruiting tribesmen from the Bani Sarta and the Bani Tarja. He joined his forces to those of Abu Bakr Ibn Umar, Yahya's brother, who was already in the region of the Draa to the southwest of Sijilmasa. Yahya Ibn Umar, meanwhile, remained with part of the army in the Adrar, in the heartland of the Bani Lamtuna. He established his base at a place called Jabal Lamtuna. These mountains were surrounded by some 20,000 date palms. There was abundant water and pasturage. Most importantly, the place was easily defensible. He held up in a fortress called Azuggi, which his brother Yannu had built. [p.86] Nor did Abu Bakr interfere with Yusuf's free hand in Morocco or Spain. The old amir ruled in the Sahara in the same way that tribal chiefs among the Sanhaja had done for generations, through a combination nation of tribal loyalties, religious appeal, and military strength. He had every intention to continue the religious revival in the vein of strict Malikite Islam. He brought to the desert a teacher from the city of Aghmat, the Imam al-Hadrami. The latter had studied Malikite law in both Qayrawan and Andalusia. Abu Bakr made him qadi, judge, in Azuggi. From there, Imam al-Hadrami went out to preach among the unbelievers. {{cite book}}: line feed character in |quote= at position 1500 (help)
  44. ^ Bennison, Amira K. (2016). The Almoravid and Almohad Empires. Edinburgh University Press. p. 37. ISBN 9780748646821. The Arabic narrative, such as it is, posits that Abu Bakir b. 'Umar returned to the Almoravids' southern base or capital at Azuggi in modern Mauritania with a handful of Maliki jurists, including Abu Bakr Muhammad al-Muradi from Qayrawan, to orchestrate the Almoravid advance south against the Soninke kingdom of Ghana, which was successfully conquered around 1076-7 and subsequently collapsed.
  45. ^ Levtzion, Nehemia (2019). "'Abd Allah b. Yasin and the Almoravids". In Willis, John Ralph (ed.). Studies in West African Islamic History: The Cultivators of Islam. Routledge. pp. 99–100. ISBN 978-1-315-29732-3. After the confrontation with Ibn Tashfin, Abu Bakr b. 'Umar returned to the desert, where he led the southern wing of the Almoravids in the jihad against the Sudanis. The base for his operations seems to have been the town of Azukki (Azugi, Arkar.) It is first mentioned as the fortress in Jabal Lamtuna (Adrar), where Yahya b. 'Umar was besieged and killed by the Juddala. Azukki, according to al-Bakri, was built by Yannu b. 'Umar, the brother of Yahya and Abu Bakr. Al-Idrisi mentions Azukki as an important Saharan town on the route from Sijilmasa to the Sudan, and adds that this was its Berber name, whereas Sudanis called it Kukadam (written as Quqadam).
  46. ^ Norris, H.T.; Chalmeta, P. (1993). "al-Murābiṭūn". In Bosworth, C.E.; van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W.P.; Pellat, Ch. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Vol. 7. Brill. pp. 583–591. The foundation of the town of Azūgi (vars. Azuggī, Azuḳḳī, Azukkī) as the southern capital of the Almoravids. It lies 10 km NW of Atar. According to al-Bakrī, it was a fortress, surrounded by 20,000 palms, and it had been founded by Yānnū b. ʿUmar al-Ḥād̲j̲d̲j̲, a brother of Yaḥyā b. ʿUmar. It seems likely that Azūgi became the seat of the Ḳāḍī Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Murādī al-Ḥaḍramī (to cite both the Ḳāḍī ʿlyāḍ and Ibn Bas̲h̲kuwāl), who died there in 489/1095-6 (assuming Azūgi to be Azkid or Azkd). The town was for long regarded as the "capital of the Almoravids", well after the fall of the dynasty in Spain and even after its fall in the Balearic Islands. It receives a mention by al-Idrīsī, al-Zuhrī and other Arab geographers.
  47. ^ Norris, H.T. (1993). "Mūrītāniyā". In Bosworth, C.E.; van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W.P.; Pellat, Ch. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Vol. 7. Brill. pp. 583–591. The movement of the "men of the ribāṭ", the Almoravids [see al-murābiṭūn ], became established in the Río de Oro and in parts of Mauritania by missionaries who were adepts of the saint Wad̲j̲ād̲j̲ b. Zalw, who had previously established a ribāṭ at Aglū in the Sūs of Morocco, not far from present-day Tīznīt and Ifnī (see F. Meier, Almoraviden und Marabute , in WI, xxi, 80-163). However, the raids of the Saharans who joined the movement were primarily launched from within against Morocco itself, so that Mauritania never became its major centre. Only Azuggī, the capital of the southern wing, under Abū Bakr b. ʿUmar and his successors, was considered worthy of mention by such geographers as al-Idrīsī and Ibn Saʿīd al-Mag̲h̲ribī.
  48. ^ Norris, H. T. (1986). The Arab Conquest of the Western Sahara: Studies of the Historical Events, Religious Beliefs and Social Customs which Made the Remotest Sahara a Part of the Arab World. Longman. p. 243. ISBN 978-0-582-75643-4. Its present capital is Āṭār, though in the mediaeval period its principal towns were Azuqqi (Azougui), which, for a while, was the "capital" of the southern wing of the Almoravid movement, (...)
  49. ^ Ould Cheikh, Abdel Wedoud; Saison, Bernard (1987-01-01). "Vie(s) Et Mort(s) De Al-Imām Al-Hadrāmi: Autour de la postérité saharienne du mouvement almoravide (11e-17e s.)". Arabica. 34 (1): 48–79. doi:10.1163/157005887X00342. ISSN 1570-0585. Au milieu du Ve siecle H/XIe siecle ap. J.C., l'écrivain andalou al-Bakri fait état de l'existence à «Arki» d'une «forteresse...au milieu de 20 000 palmiers...édifiée par Yannu Ibn 'Umar al-Ḥāğ, frère de Yaḥya Ibn 'Umar... ». Cette brève mention est vraisemblablement a l'origine du qualificatif d'«almoravide» qu'en l'absence de toute investigation proprement archéologique, les historiens modernes ont généralement attribué aux ruines apparentes du tell archéologique d'Azūgi; nous y reviendrons. Au siecle suivant, al-Idrisi (1154) localise la «première des stations du Sahara...au pays des Massūfa et des Lamṭa» ; étape sur un itinéraire transsaharien joignant Siğilmāsa a Silla, Takrūr ou Gāna, Azūki, ou Kukdam en «langue gināwiyya des Sudan», abrite une population prospère. Pour brève et a nos yeux trop imprécise qu'elle soit, l'évocation d'al-Idrisi est néanmoins la plus étoffée de celles qui nous sont parvenues des auteurs «médiévaux» de langue arabe. Aucun écrivain contemporain d'al-Idrisi, ou postérieur, qu'il s'agisse d'al-Zuhri (ap. 1133), d'Ibn Sa'id et surtout d'Ibn Haldun - qui n'en prononce même pas le nom dans son récit pourtant complet de 1'histoire du mouvement almoravide - ne nous fournit en effet d'élément nouveau sur Azūgi. A la fin du XVe siècle, au moment où apparaissent les navigateurs portugais sur les côtes sahariennes, al-Qalqašandi et al-Himyari ne mentionnent plus «Azūqi» ou «Azīfi» que comme un toponyme parmi d'autres au Bilād al-Sudān... Les sources écrites arabes des XIe-XVe siècles ne livrent donc sur Azūgi que de brèves notices, infiniment moins détaillées et prolixes que celles dont font l'objet, pour la même période et chez ces mêmes auteurs, certaines grandes cités toutes proches, telles Awdagust, Gāna, Kawkaw, Niani, Walāta, etc... Faut-il voir dans cette discrétion un témoignage «a silentio» sur l'affaiblissement matériel d'une agglomération — une «ville» au sens où l'entendent habituellement les auteurs cités? — dont al-Idrisi affirme effectivement qu'elle n'est point une grande ville»? {{cite journal}}: line feed character in |quote= at position 782 (help)
  50. ^ Vanacker, Christiane (1979). "La Mauritanie jusqu'au XXe siècle". Introduction à la Mauritanie (in French). Institut de recherches et d’études sur les mondes arabes et musulmans, Éditions du CNRS. ISBN 978-2-271-08123-0. Il est souhaitable que les fouilles prévues à Azougui, première « capitale » fondée par les Almoravides (avant Marrakech) puissent être prochainement réalisées.
  51. ^ Gaudio, Attilio (1978). Le Dossier de la Mauritanie (in French). Nouvelles Editions Latines. ISBN 978-2-7233-0035-3. L'historien El Bekri, dans sa Description de l'Afrique septentrionale, parle de l'ancienne fortresse d'Azougui, située dans une grande palmeraie de l'Adrar mauritanien, comme ayant été la véritable capital des sultans almoravides, avant leur épopée maroco-espagnole. Elle ne dut connaître qu'une splendeur éphémère, car depuis la fin du XIIe siècle son nom disparaît des chroniques.
  52. ^ Daddah, Mokhtar Ould (2003). La Mauritanie contre vents et marées (in French). KARTHALA Editions. p. 357. ISBN 978-2-8111-3765-6. Ces fouilles archéologiques, supervisées par l'Institut mauritanien de la recherche scientifique (I.M.R.S.) depuis sa création, devaient se poursuivre à Aouadaghost et s'étendre à Azougui, première capital Almoravide (près d'Atar), à Koumbi Saleh dont j'ai déjà parlé.
  53. ^ Nixon, Sam (2020). "The Sahara". In Walker, Bethany; Insoll, Timothy; Fenwick, Corisande (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Archaeology. Oxford University Press. p. 295. ISBN 978-0-19-998788-7. Azuggi was the base of the Almoravids following their movement northward from the Sahel in the mid-11th century (Saison 1981; Levtzion and Hopkins 2000).
  54. ^ Curta, Florin; Holt, Andrew, eds. (2017). Great Events in Religion: An Encyclopedia of Pivotal Events in Religious History [3 volumes]. ABC-CLIO. p. 412. ISBN 978-1-61069-566-4.
  55. ^ M. Bloom, Jonathan; S. Blair, Sheila, eds. (2009). "Ottoman". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. p. 82. ISBN 9780195309911.
  56. ^ Sanders, Paula (2008-01-01). Creating Medieval Cairo: Empire, Religion, and Architectural Preservation in Nineteenth-Century Egypt. American University in Cairo Press. ISBN 978-1-61797-230-0.
  57. ^ Behrens-Abouseif, Doris; Vernoit, Stephen (2006). Islamic Art in the 19th Century: Tradition, Innovation, And Eclecticism. BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-14442-2.
  58. ^ Fleet, Kate; Faroqhi, Suraiya N.; Kunt, Ibrahim Metin; Kasaba, Reşat (2006-11-02). The Cambridge History of Turkey. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-62095-6.
  59. ^ Hills, Helen (2017-07-05). Rethinking the Baroque. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-55117-5.
  60. ^ Sumner-Boyd & Freely 2010.
  61. ^ Kuban 2010.
  62. ^ Blair & Bloom 1995.
  63. ^ Goodwin 1971.
  64. ^ Rüstem 2019.
  65. ^ Bağcı 2002.
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