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Prehistory and antiquity
editA survey of the valleys to the north of Hasankeyf between 1963 and 1972 uncovered much evidence of prehistoric human settlement.[1] One site, Seregir in the Garzan Su valley, was dated to the Lower Paleolithic period, more than 100,000 years ago.[2]
During the Middle Bronze Age the area around Hasankeyf was likely part of the Hurrian kingdoms. The Akkadian and Northwest Semitic texts of the Mari Tablets (1800–1750 BC) refer to Ilānṣurā, an important walled city on a large river. Ilānṣurā has been tentatively identified with Hasankeyf, although several locations in northeast Syria have also been proposed.[3]
By the 14th century BC, the Hasankeyf area was within the Hurrian kingdom of Mitanni. Between the 9th and 7th centuries BC it was part of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, and by the mid-6th century it was part of the Median empire.
In Roman times, Hasankeyf (known as Kepha, Cephe, Cepha or Ciphas) was a base for legionnaires on the frontier with the Sasanian Empire of Persia. For a time the town became the capital of the Roman province of Arzanene, although Nisibis was the headquarters of the Dux Mesopotamiae.[4] Constantius II (324–361) built a fort at Kepha, but it is unclear whether this was on the current citadel site.[4] The existence of a Roman bridge across the Tigris at Hasankeyf has been viewed as "highly probable" by one scholar who speculates that (like the later bridge) it may have had "a wooden superstructure based on piers of masonry and natural stone".[5] However, none of the remaining structure of the bridge appears to date from Roman times.[5]
As the eastern and western portions of the Roman Empire split around AD 330, Κιφας (Kiphas) became formalized as the Greek name for this Byzantine bishopric.
The balance of power in the region shifted significantly in 363. Following the death of the emperor Julian at the Battle of Samarra, his successor Jovian his successor was forced to surrender to the Persian King Shapur II the eastern provinces of Arzanene, Moxoene, Zabdicene, Corduene and Rehimena. This included 15 castles, along with the cities of Singara and Nisibis, but not their inhabitants, and the fortress of Castra Maurorum.[6] While Kiphas had been administered as part of Arzanene up to 363, it lay on the south bank of the Tigris and was not surrendered to the Sasanians.[6] Before the treaty, the fort at Kiphas had been on the border between Roman territory and the Armenian vassal kingdom of Arzanene. Now the border with Persia ran along the Tigris and the legionnaires at Kiphas were stationed right on it.[4] Their role was chiefly to protect the Tur Abdin massif and the approach through it to the Roman province of Sophanene from attack by the Persians in Arzanene.[7]
By the sixth century, the Persians were mounting frequent attacks on the eastern border of the Byzantine empire.[8] As a consequence, the Byzantines built a great number of military installations in the region during the early and mid-sixth century.[8] Despite this the Persians seized the opportunity of a Byzantine civil war to attack the eastern provinces, in what became the Byzantine–Sasanian War of 602–628. Early in the conflict they occupied Kiphas along with Mardin, Dara and probably the rest of the Tur Abdin, and these were held for most of the rest of the war.[9] The treaty that concluded the war restored Kiphas to Byzantine control, but the gain was to prove short-lived.
Muslim conquest
editBy the 630s, Muslim Arab forces had conquered large parts of Mesopotamia, Syria and Iran. Kiphas appears most likely to have been captured during the Muslim conquest of Armenia in 640. An account from this period provides the earliest mention of any bridge across the Tigris at this site.[10][11]
Over the subsequent five centuries, the town was ruled Arab dynasties under the name Hisn Kayfa, first by the Ummayad and Abbasid caliphates and later by semi-autonomous Hamdanid and Marwanid rulers.
Artuqid period (1102–1232)
editIn the 11th century, Seljuq Turks and their Turkmen and Oguz allies moved into eastern Anatolia, culminating in the Seljuq defeat of Byzantine forces at the Battle of Manzikert in 1071. Victory at Manzikert quickly resulted in Seljuq forces controlling large parts of Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia. The Seljuq sultan Rukn ad-Dīn Barkiyāruq granted Hisn Kayfa as a fief to the Artuqids in AH 495 (1101/1102).[10]
In 1104, the crusader Joscelin, at that time the count of Turbessel, was imprisoned at Hisn Kayfa by Sökmen ibn Artuk after he was captured at the Battle of Harran along with his kinsman Baldwin, count of Edessa.[12][13] Baldwin was imprisoned at Mosul by the Seljuk atabeg Jikirmish.[12][13] After the death of Jikirmish in 1107 and the payment of a significant ransom, Baldwin and Joscelin were released.[13] Coincidentally, both men later became prisoners of Nur ad-Daula Balak ibn Bahram ibn Artuq in 1122/1123.
Control of trade along the Diyarbakır–Mosul road paralleling the Tigris, and north–south between Lake Van and the Euphrates generated prosperity for the Artuqids and ensured their power in the region.[10] Consequently, the existence of a reliable river crossing for goods and people was a priority, and the Artuqids built a bridge across the Tigris at some time between 1147 and 1172.
This period was something of a golden age for Hisn Kayfa, with the Artuqids and their successors, the Ayyubids, building the Small Palace and the Great Palace as well as the Tigris bridge. The infrastructure, location and significance of the city helped increase trade and made Hisn Kayfa a staging post on the Silk Road.
In Shaʿban 600 (April 1204), the Artuqid emir al-Salih Mahmud, who controlled both Amida and Hisn Kayfa, joined with al-Ashraf, the Ayyubid ruler of Harran, and princes from Mayafaraqin, Cizre, Sinjar and Irbil to rout the army of Nur ad-Din Arslan Shah I, the Zengid ruler of Mosul, near Nusaybin.[14] In the second half of AH 601 (1204/1205), al-Salih Mahmud also lent his forces to help al-Ashraf attack Harput, which was controlled by another branch of the Artuqids.[15]
By AH 627 (1229/1230), al-Salih's successor, Rukn al-Din Madud, was allied with the Khwarazmshah Jalal ad-Din Mingburnu against the Ayyubid rulers al-Ashraf and al-Kamil.[16]
By 1232, control of Amida and Hisn Kayfa had passed to the Artuqid prince al-Masʿud.[17] Troubled by the alliance with Khwarazm, al-Ashraf and al-Kamil resolved to attack Amida, and used as a pretext reports of al-Masʿud's misrule, including his abuse of local women.[17] The combined Ayyubid armies, swelled by contributions from many of their vassals, besieged Amida on 20 Dhu-l-Hijja 629/5 October 1232. By 1 Muhharam 630/18 October 1232, al-Masʿud surrendered Amida to al-Kamil.[18] Al-Kamil then sent his brother, al-Ashraf, along with al-Muzaffar Ghazi of Mayafaraqin to Hisn Kayfa to obtain its surrender.[19] Even though, the Ayyubid force had brought with them al-Masʿud as a captive, the garrison at Hisn Kayfa resisted for some time, and the city was captured only in Safar 630/November 1232.[20]
Ayyubids and Mongols (1232–1462)
editOnce the citadel fell to the Ayyubid forces, al-Kamil immediately installed his 27-year-old son, as-Salih Ayyub, as governor of both Amida and Hisn Kayfa, beginning the period of Ayyubid rule over the Diyar Bakr.[20][21]
Ayyubid rule of Hisn Kayfa was insecure almost from the start. During 1235, the Rum Seljuk forces of 'Alā ad-Dīn Kayqubād had advanced into Southeast Anatolia, capturing Harput, Urfa and Harran. In Dhu-l-Hijja 632/August 1235, they laid siege to Amida, but were unsuccessful in capturing the city and consequently did not advance as far as Hisn Kayfa.[22]
Only five years after Hisn Kayfa was captured by the Ayyubids, it had already become a pawn in the dynasty's power struggles. By AH 634 (1236/1237) al-Ashraf had become resentful of his brother al-Kamil's ill-concealed ambition. al-Ashraf recruited the rulers of Aleppo and Homs to his faction and sent ambassadors to the court of Rum Seljuk sultan 'Alā ad-Dīn Kayqubād to propose an alliance.[23] When they arrived at the Seljuk court they discovered that Kayqubād had died on 4 Shawwal 634/31 May 1237, and they now had to deal with his son, Ghiyath ad-Din Kaykhusrau II.[23] The Middle East historian R. Stephen Humphreys speculates that Kaykhusrau was offered control of Amida and Hisn Kayfa in return for joining the alliance.[23] Although al-Ashraf had assembled a formidable alliance against his brother, he was unable to use this to engage al-Kamil's forces as he was already ill by the time of the negotiations with the Seljuks, and he died on 4 Muharram 635/28 August 1237.[24] His rival, al-Kamil, died on 6 March 1238, and the Ayyubid domain was thrown into fresh turmoil.
Al-Kamil had bequeathed control of the Jazira to as-Salih Ayyub, who had been emir of Hisn Kayfa, and named his younger brother al-Adil as his heir in Egypt. In his new role as sultan, as-Salih Ayyub installed his own young son, al-Muazzam Turanshah as prince of Hisn Kayfa in AH 636 (1238/1239), with one of his closest advisers, Husam al-Din, as Turanshah's atabeg.[25] As-Salih Ayyub, meanwhile, gathered an army to take Damascus and challenge al-Adil's rule over Egypt. By June 1240 as-Salih Ayyub's soldiers had captured al-Adil and as-Salih became paramount ruler of the Ayyubid possessions.
It appears that as-Salih's son al-Muazzam Turanshah remained prince of Hisn Kayfa from 1238 until 1249. When as-Salih Ayyub died suddenly on 12 November 1249, Turanshah had to be recalled in a hurry to take control of the Ayyubid empire. As-Salih's widow, Shajar al-Durr, dispatched a special embassy to bring her son to Egypt. Turanshah had left Hisn Kayfa with this party by 18 December 1249, heading for Anah and Damascus.[26]
Al-Muwaḥḥid ʿAbd Allāh succeeded his father, Turanshah, as ruler of Hisn Kayfa.[27] Although his father ruled Egypt for barely a year and was killed during the Mamluk takeover, al-Muwaḥḥid ʿAbd Allāh ruled Hisn Kayfa for more than three decades, from AH 647 (1249/1250) to AH 693 (1293/1294), and was essentially the founder of the local Ayyubid dynasty.[27] Although little remains standing from this prosperous period of the town's history, there is a detailed contemporary first-hand account by the topographer ʿIzz ad-Dīn Ibn Shaddād, whose last visit was in AH 657 (1258/1259).[28] He lists many buildings in the lower town, including a Dār as-Salṭana (near the bridge), a mosque, three medreses, four hammams, tombs, caravanserais and bazaars. At the citadel, Ibn Shaddād mentions another mosque, an open square, and fields to grow enough grain "to feed the inhabitants from year to year".[28] The German historian of Islamic art Michael Meinecke notes that almost none of the buildings that Ibn Shaddād describes can be identified in present-day Hasankeyf, and attributes that to neglect following the subsequent Mongol invasions and political instability.[28]
In 1255, the great khan Möngke charged his brother Hulagu with leading a massive Mongol army to conquer or destroy the remaining Muslim states in southwestern Asia. Hulagu first besieged Baghdad, which was captured on 13 February 1258 and destroyed. He conquered Aleppo on 24 January 1260, and the Nestorian Christian Mongol general Kitbuqa Noyan took Damascus on 1 March. It seemed inevitable that all of the region's cities, including Hisn Kayfa, would fall to the Mongols, and indeed most of them did. Hulagu's plan appears to have been to proceed to Palestine and Egypt. But while he was in Aleppo in the spring of 1260, he received word that the great khan Möngke had died the previous summer (on 11 August 1259).[29] While Hulagu did not expect to succeed his elder brother, there was a struggle between two of his other brothers, Kubilai and Ariq Böke, for control of the Mongol empire, and Hulagu decided it was wise to withdraw to Tabriz to await the resolution of this conflict.[29]
On 23 Rabiʿ II 658/7 April 1260, Mayafaraqin fell to Hulagu's forces, presumably during their retreat towards Ahlat and Tabriz, leaving Mardin and Hisn Kayfa as the only cities outside his control in the Jazira.[29] Mardin was captured by the end of 1260, but Hisn Kayfa appears to have escaped a concerted assault because it controlled only a minor trade route and could simply be bypassed.[29] Nevertheless, it seems that al-Muwaḥḥid decided to submit to being a Mongol vassal at about this time.[30] While most of the Diyar Bakr came under direct control of the Mongol governor or Mosul, both Ayyubid Hisn Kayfa and Artukid Mardin were allowed to remain as vassal states.[30]
By AH 665 (1266/1267) the Mamluk Baybars was in power in Egypt, and represented the primary force opposing the Mongols, now led by Hulagu's son Abaqa Khan. Baybars sent two eunuchs as emissaries to al-Muwaḥḥid to try to persuade him to abandon the Mongols, and apparently the emir of Hisn Kayfa agreed. However, the envoys were caught by a local Mongol commander as they attempted to carry al-Muwaḥḥid's reply to Baybars. Abaqa had the envoys executed, and al-Muwaḥḥid was banished to the Ilkhanate court for seven years. By AH 672 (1273/1274) al-Muwaḥḥid had returned as the nominal ruler of Hisn Kayfa, where he remained until his death, variously reported as having occurred in AH 682 (1283/1284) or AH 693 (1293/1294).[31][27]
Mongol rule of the region continued until 1335, and this badly damaged both trade and agriculture, which had been the sources of the region's prosperity.[30] The impact was felt hardest between 1260 and 1315, and traders essentially avoided the region because of ongoing war between Mamluk and Mongol forces. In 1315, the Il-Khanate and the Mamluks signed a treaty and trade restarted.[30] This proved to be a boon for Hisn Kayfa. The previous primary routes across the region—through Cizre and Nusaybin, and through Mayafaraqin and Amida (Diyarbakır)—both failed to attract many traders, and a new route from Iran to Aleppo through Siirt, Hisn Kayfa and Mardin took their place.[32]
The economy of the region gradually shrank during the 14th and early 15th centuries, according to historian Thomas Alexander Sinclair, but this probably did not cause any population decline in the cities of Mardin or Hisn Kayfa, where building continued uninterrupted.[33] Several other cities in the region, such as Mayafaraqin, Arzan, Nusaybin and Dara shrank or disappeared.[33] After the breakup of the Ilkhanate, an Artukid force waged war against the Ayyubids of Hisn Kayfa in 1334, but were decisively defeated, with the Ayyubids gaining their possessions on the left bank of the Tigris River.[34]
During the 14th century, the emirs of Hisn Kayfa also controlled the interior of the Tur Abdin and the castle of Haytham (in the Tur Abdin).[35] In 1334/5 al-Adil Hisn Kayfa seized control over Mayafaraqin, which probably had been governed by a Mongol vassal up to that time.[35] Soon after, Al-Adil installed Zeyd, a Kurdish chief of the Zraki (or Zirki) tribe previously based at the castle of Boşat (the present-day village of Boyunlu, in Silvan district), as his client ruler at Mayafaraqin.[35] It seems that this was in payback for Zeyd's assistance in helping Hisn Kayfa repulse an attack by the Artuqid sultan of Mardin.[35]
The Hisn Kayfa emirs also attacked and captured Siirt soon after the Mongol withdrawal. They fought for control of Siirt with forces from Arzan, and al-Ashraf of Hisn Kayfa succeeded in capturing it in 1341/42.[35]
In 1349/50, the Kara Koyunlu rose to dominate the region of the Diyar Bakr, and local princes such as those at Hisn Kayfa, paid tribute to them.[33] Also in 1349/50, the emir of Hisn Kayfa, al-Adil, attacked Azran, breaching its walls and destroying the town in order to get revenge on the local ruler.[33] After this victory the town was abandoned and al-Adil bestowed control of the surrounding region on a Kurdish family.[35]
In the early and middle 15th century, Aq Qoyunlu Turkmen forces attacked Hisn Kayfa several times, but Ayyubid rulers managed to retain control of the city and the city prospered until very end of the 15th century.
In the 14th century, the Ayyubids rebuilt the castle of Hisn Kayfa which served as their stronghold as vassals of consecutively Mamluks and Dulkadirids until they were supplanted by the Ottoman Empire in the early 16th century.[36]
Aq Qoyunlu period (1462–1515)
editDuring the second half of the 15th century, Hisn Kayfa was still governed by the last remaining Ayyubid dynasty, who owed allegiance to the Turkmen Aq Qoyunlu confederation. The Aq Qoyunlu dynasty was headed by Uzun Hassan from 1452 to 1478.
Uzun Hassan's initial capital was at Amida (modern Diyarbakır), which he gained from his brother Jihangir in 1452.[37] From there, Uzun Hassan embarked on a campaign of expanding his territory at the expense of the rival Kara Koyunlu dynasty.[37] Hasankeyf was one of the first towns to acknowledge Uzun Hassan's suzerainty, in an agreement signed by the Ayyubid emir in 1455.[37] While Uzun Hassan managed to extend his influence throughout much of the Diyar Bakr and Jazira during the 1450s, the Ayyubid emir of Hasankeyf rebelled in 1460, attempting to take control of Siirt.[37] Uzun Hassan responded by attacking Hasankeyf in 1461; he finally captured the town in 1462 after a six-month siege.[37] It seems that Uzun Hassan then appointed his son Zeynel as governor of Hasankeyf.
Aq Qoyunlu territory expanded further following their defeat of the Kara Koyunlu in Iran (1467–69), and Uzun Hassan moved his capital to Tabriz.[37] However, Hassan followed up these successes with a disastrous campaign against the Ottoman Empire. Hassan's army of light cavalry was routed by Mehmed II's Ottoman forces, armed with rifles and cannon, at the Battle of Otlukbeli near Erzincan in August 1473.[38] While Uzun Hassan survived, his son Zeynel Bey was killed in battle. In commemoration, the Mausoleum of Zeynel Bey was erected in Hasankeyf in about 1474 on the orders of either Uzun Hassan, or Zeynel's elder brother, Khalil.
Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic
editFollowing the Ottoman ascendancy established by Selim I in the region in the early 16th century, the city became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1515, during Sultan Süleyman I's campaign of Irakeyn (عراقین; "the two Iraqs", i.e. the Arab Iraq and the Persian Iraq) in 1534, at the same time as Batman, Mosul, Baghdad and Basra.[39]
References
edit- ^ EIAR 2005, p. 3/59–60.
- ^ EIAR 2005, p. table 3/8 page 1/5.
- ^ Astour 1992.
- ^ a b c Sinclair 1979, p. 370.
- ^ a b Comfort 2009, pp. 63–64.
- ^ a b Sinclair 1979, p. 366.
- ^ Sinclair 1979, p. 375.
- ^ a b Sinclair 1979, p. 373.
- ^ Sinclair 1979, p. 374.
- ^ a b c Meinecke 1996, p. 58.
- ^ Martine & ND.
- ^ a b Chahan de Cirbied 1813, p. 320.
- ^ a b c Taylor 1865, p. 34.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 127–128.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 128.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, p. 218.
- ^ a b Humphreys 1977, p. 221.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, p. 222.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 222–223.
- ^ a b Humphreys 1977, pp. 223.
- ^ Meinecke 1996, p. 64.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, p. 227.
- ^ a b c Humphreys 1977, pp. 231.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 232.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 251.
- ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 303–304.
- ^ a b c Meinecke 1996, pp. 64–65.
- ^ a b c Meinecke 1996, p. 65.
- ^ a b c d Humphreys 1977, pp. 356. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEHumphreys1977356" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ a b c d Sinclair 1989, p. 396.
- ^ Amitai-Preiss 2005, p. 150.
- ^ Sinclair 1989, pp. 397, 398.
- ^ a b c d Sinclair 1989, p. 397.
- ^ Singh 2000, pp. 203–204.
- ^ a b c d e f Sinclair 1989, p. 399.
- ^ Ayliffe et al. 2003, p. 913.
- ^ a b c d e f Sinclair 1989, p. 404.
- ^ Babinger 1978, pp. 314–315.
- ^ "Batman", Ministry of Development & ND.
Sources
edit- Ilısu Dam and HEPP: Environmental Impact Assessment Report (PDF), Ankara: Ilısu Consortium, 31 July 2005
- Amitai-Preiss, Reuven (1 September 2005), Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Ilkhanid War, 1260–1281, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-46226-6
- Astour, Michael C. (1992), "The North Mesopotamian Kingdom of Ilānșurā", in Young, Gordon Douglas (ed.), Mari in Retrospect, Winona Lake, Indiana: American Oriental Society/Eisenbrauns, pp. 1–33, ISBN 0931464285
- Ayliffe, Rosie; Dubin, Marc; Gawthrop, John; Richardson, Terry (2003), The Rough Guide to Turkey, Rough Guides, ISBN 1843530716
- Babinger, Franz (1978). Mehmed the Conqueror and his Time. Bollingen Series XCVI. edited by William C. Hickman, translated by Ralph Manheim. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-09900-6.
- Chahan de Cirbied, Jacques (1813), "Notice de deux Manuscrits Arméniens, de la Bibliothèque impériale, n.os 95 et 99, contentant l'histoire écrit par Mathieu Eretz, et Extrait relatif à l'histoire de la première croisade" [Notice of two Armenian manuscripts from the Bibliothèque Impériale, numbers 95 and 99, containing the history recorded by Matthew Eretz, and an extract relating to the history of the First Crusade], Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autres bibliothèques [Notices and extracts of manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale and other libraries] (in French), vol. 9, pp. 275–364
- Comfort, Anthony Martin (14 May 2009). Roads on the frontier between Rome and Persia: Euphratesia, Osrhoene and Mesopotamia from AD 363 to 602 (Ph.D.). University of Exeter.
{{cite thesis}}
: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Humphreys, R. Stephen (1977), From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus, 1193–1260, Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, ISBN 0-87395-263-4
- "South-Eastern Anatolia: Hasankeyf". Guide Martine. Retrieved 11 November 2014.
- Meinecke, Michael (1996), "3. Hasankeyf/Ḥiṣn Kaifā on the Tigris: A Regional Center on the Crossroad of Foreign Influences", Patterns of Stylistic Changes in Islamic Architecture: Local Traditions Versus Migrating Artists, New York University Press
- "Batman" (in Turkish). Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Development. Retrieved 17 December 2014.
- Sinclair, T.A. (1989), Eastern Turkey: An Architectural and Archaeological Survey, vol. 3, Pindar Press, ISBN 0907132340
- Singh, Nagendra Kumar (2000), International Encyclopaedia of Islamic Dynasties, Anmol Publications PVT. LTD., ISBN 81-261-0403-1
- Taylor, J.G. (1865), "Travels in Kurdistan, with Notices of the Sources of the Eastern and Western Tigris, and Ancient Ruins in their Neighbourhood", Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 35, London: 21–58, doi:10.2307/3698077