User talk:Futurebird/Archive 9
Arbcom
editI don't know why R&I is mentioned in the Arbcom case. I assume you are talking about Picaroon's comment? He's being a bit vague in his statement, Steve has asked him to be more specific and I think this is a fair request. I'm keeping out of it, while I have been somewhat annoyed by Dab, especially with his arrogance, his assumption that he is always right and his apparent inability to admit that he might just occasionally owe someone an apology, I'm not sure that this Arbcom case will achieve anything except create more bad feeling. He's clearly rallying his troops and feels under siege. I think it could all ahve been avoided if he'd just appologised for his incivility and actually been prepared to engage more in discussion rather than dismissing people and edit warring. Whatever happens I can't see him either getting a ban or losing his admin status. At best he'll get a mild rebuke. PS you can always email me if you want, and have you thought about applying to become an admin at all? I'd support you. All the best. Alun (talk) 18:04, 8 December 2007 (UTC)
I've restructured this article and added some new info that might be a useful model for others working on the founders of Alpha Kappa Alpha. Added a couple of new sources and found another academic one that may be useful. It's taken a while, but could be easy to adapt for others. Mostly I tried to make it more like resumes. --Parkwells (talk) 18:12, 8 December 2007 (UTC)
Stuff (2)
editI answered on my talk page the questions you left for me there. Have a good day!--Ramdrake (talk) 21:17, 8 December 2007 (UTC)
race and intelligence
editYou are never annoying. I struck out the ad hominem comment. I think I need to step out of the discussion for a while as (1) I have said all I have to say (and I really have tried to be constructive) and (2) it is getting very upsetting. Slrubenstein | Talk 17:37, 9 December 2007 (UTC)
I hope you are feeling less alone, if not less stressed out. The thing is, these articles need better-informed editors. When are your math finals over? Good luck (not clear whether you are grading or being graded), Slrubenstein | Talk 13:03, 10 December 2007 (UTC)
Wow
editThis case is huge. I think it could be, a least. Do you think I should comment? JJJamal (talk) 02:39, 10 December 2007 (UTC)
Have reworked her article too and am finding new sources. Will work through the founders. Still figuring out an approach for some background paragraph that can be used for all.--Parkwells (talk) 14:52, 10 December 2007 (UTC)
Mathematicians from Ohio
editI was born and raised in Cleveland, although I did my undergrad at The Naval Academy in Maryland. I'm not really a grad student in math per se, although the professor I worked with on my thesis said I was one semester away from a Masters. I think he was either full of crap or just trying to stroke my ego. "A Probabilistic Polynomial-Time Algorithm for Determining the Minimum Distance of Error-Correcting Codes", and apparently if I had applied it to cracking some modern (though uncommon) encryptions it would've warranted an M.S. Now I work for the Navy as a computer geek. I miss the pure math, but there's a lot more money in computers. And I like money more than I miss math.
Whereabouts in Ohio? And what area of math are you focusing? Have fun with finals... Aron.Foster (talk) 04:48, 11 December 2007 (UTC)
Good luck with finals
edit--Kevin Murray (talk) 05:14, 11 December 2007 (UTC)
From me too. Alun (talk) 07:57, 11 December 2007 (UTC)
Happy Holidays
editWishing you and yours the very best of the holiday season. May the coming year bring you peace, joy, health and happiness. God bless us, every one! Jeffpw (talk) 20:02, 14 December 2007 (UTC) |
Re: African Diaspora
editThanks, I went to the library last week. CJ (talk) 18:41, 16 December 2007 (UTC)
oops, accidentally undid your edit
editby mistake, I removed your edit on the Talk:Nigger ... you had removed some racist vandalism (looked like it was with a bot), but it didn't get the whole thing and I ended up reverting your last edit plus a little more than what you took out ... just thought I would let you know why I 'undid' your edit so you didn't think I was going after any of your content ... in hindsight, I should have just reverted to a few edits back and I would have gotten the same result - have a good one -- Ukt-zero (talk) 21:56, 18 December 2007 (UTC)
Merry Christmas
editFuturebird, Have a Happy Holiday a great New year. See you next year. Yahel Guhan 23:29, 16 December 2007 (UTC)
AKA
editThanks for your comments. I hope my changes will help on the founders; about 10 are probably still weak in terms of individual notability - early deaths, no record of life, quieter lives. What it suggests would be good is an article about the founders as a group (I may try that) and about African American sororities as a topic - of organizations forming at the turn of the century, linked to the importance of education, etc. Maybe I'll try that. Their lives were definitely inspirational. --Parkwells (talk) 15:15, 17 December 2007 (UTC)
Merry Christmas
editHave a happy, safe and enjoyable Christmas! Just try not to eat too many other animals! -- Librarianofages (talk) 00:55, 19 December 2007 (UTC)
Bronx Cheer;-)
editThanks for the thanks re the un Tom Wolfe edit. I don't really relate to either Bronx: the Fort Apache days or the gentrifying days. I left incrementally 1959 (off to College from Bronx Science) to 1967 (migration to Canada). I still patrol both the Bronx and the Bronx Science articles.
BTW, do you know what is up with Jeeny. I skimmed your talk page, and I note that you, like I, had friendly dealings with her. We have a personal e-relationship, so I know she is mercurial and takes things too much to heart, but I care about her. She hasn't answered my email. Bellagio99 (talk) 02:29, 27 December 2007 (UTC)
First, Merry Christmas and Happy New Year. Not so cheerful a topic, but I've added a lot to "Resistance" sections, especially new information about writers & playwrights, and women's creative and networking contributions, the strength of women's club movements among both blacks and whites who helped turn public opinion against lynching, early women leaders in the NAACP. Will be finding other places to use such material, too. --Parkwells (talk) 17:42, 27 December 2007 (UTC)
Re: Cool (aesthetic) talk page
editIf the purpose of the discussion was to talk about how the article can be improved in the area of gender and its relationship to the concept of "cool," that would be one thing. But, that is not the case. It is more a general conversation, with very little to do with the article at all. As such, it is inappropriate. ---RepublicanJacobiteThe'FortyFive' 19:55, 2 January 2008 (UTC)
This is an automated message from CorenSearchBot. I have performed a web search with the contents of When Work Disappears, and it appears to include a substantial copy of http://web.syr.edu/~emlinhar/wilson.html. For legal reasons, we cannot accept copyrighted text or images borrowed from other web sites or printed material; such additions will be deleted. You may use external websites as a source of information, but not as a source of sentences.
This message was placed automatically, and it is possible that the bot is confused and found similarity where none actually exists. If that is the case, you can remove the tag from the article and it would be appreciated if you could drop a note on the maintainer's talk page. CorenSearchBot (talk) 19:38, 4 January 2008 (UTC)
AfD nomination of When Work Disappears
editI have nominated When Work Disappears, an article you created, for deletion. I do not feel that this article satisfies Wikipedia's criteria for inclusion, and have explained why at Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/When Work Disappears. Your opinions on the matter are welcome at that same discussion page; also, you are welcome to edit the article to address these concerns. Thank you for your time. Redfarmer (talk) 19:41, 4 January 2008 (UTC)
Rollback
editI'm glad someone read what I had to say (buried as it was in that discussion) :) Guettarda (talk) 23:02, 4 January 2008 (UTC)
Montblanc
editHi, I've declined the speedy deletion requests placed on the Montblanc product articles. A bulk nomination on WP:AFD might be a better fit. Cheers, ˉˉanetode╦╩ 05:16, 7 January 2008 (UTC)
- Create a nomination at Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Montblanc pens (or whatever you want to name the discussion), then add {{subst:afd|Montblanc pens}} to all the pages you'd like to include in the nomination. Finally, add {{subst:afd3|pg=Montblanc pens}} to the top of todays log. Even if these pages survive AfD, I think there's an good argument to be made for merging them to one list. Good luck! ˉˉanetode╦╩ 05:32, 7 January 2008 (UTC)
Chemical-importance
editI forgot about that tempate, {{chemical-importance}}. Thanks for switching to it. :) -- Ed (Edgar181) 14:16, 7 January 2008 (UTC)
ArbCom
editI doubt very seriously anybody has the time to read all the information in any ArbCom, except I hope the arbitrators themselves. And I do think that there are several people who simply watch the ArbCom pages to see if there are any disputes in which they think they might be able to contribute any input. I know I'm one of those. That isn't counting any others who may have been advised of it through e-mail or other messages. Regarding the meatpuppetry allegation, that isn't quite what Ovadyah said. I responded on that page to indicate what I think he might have been trying to say. John Carter (talk) 16:12, 7 January 2008 (UTC)
Sorry if I offended you. That wasn't my intention at all. I think you opened up a Pandora's Box that will likely have unintended consequences. I don't expect you to heed my advice, but I encourage you to keep an open mind. Ovadyah (talk) 20:35, 7 January 2008 (UTC)
- For what it's worth, I have had previous dealing with the above editor. I have never had any reason to believe he has ever been motivated by any intentions other than the benefit and improvement of the encyclopedia. I have no reason to doubt his statement that he had no intention to offend you. John Carter (talk) 21:12, 7 January 2008 (UTC)
Needs to be removed from the African Diaspora section of Wikipedia. It's inclusion is simply racist and ill-informed. Not only that, edits to the article has exhibited the grace and intelligence to remove the category of African Diaspora link from it's page. There still remains however a African Diaspora badge on the discussion tab that sticks out like a slap in the face to every pious African who prescribes to Semitic worship. My opinon; this badge should only be used after thorough research on a topic merit's it's use. The Curse of Ham on the other hand has become a ploy by left wing Republicans. As this article exhibits. The Curse of Ham: Why Barack Hussein Oboma Will Never Be President As you will learn from my contribution to the article the Curse of Ham is really the curse of Canaan and is a curse of leprosy, and has nothing to do with "Africans" Nuwaubian Hotep (talk) 06:17, 8 January 2008 (UTC)
Futurebird is back from the Hospital
editI had to have my appendix removed. (But I still have my bibliography! Ha! ha! Get it? ... oh, never mind...) At any rate, I'm just returning from a 2-day stay in the hospital. I'm doing well, and I should be back to normal in a week or so. But, if I'm slow to respond, or if I missed something in the past few days, blame it on my illness or the pain meds I'm taking ... or something. Cheers! It feels great not to be dead. I love the miracle of modern medicine. Woot!
futurebird (talk) 13:23, 10 January 2008 (UTC)
- Aw-ww. U been sicky? (As my niece used to say when she was younger. :) ) Sorry to hear you needed surgery, but I'm glad you're back and all is well. "It feels good not to be dead." I lost two really good college friends and two Howard acquaintances last year (that I know of), so I'd have to say I 'second that emotion.' Yep. "Any day above dirt's a good one." Bless/salud. deeceevoice (talk) 11:06, 14 January 2008 (UTC)
Smile at others by adding {{subst:Smile}} to their talk page with a friendly message.
Hope you're fully recovered by now. I only just noticed this post so sorry about the late greetings. Love the pun on appendix, very funny. I also like deeceevoice's "Any day above dirt's a good one" and wholeheartedly agree!! Take care both. Alun (talk) 16:02, 27 January 2008 (UTC)
Happy new year
editHi, don't know if you remember me, sorry to disappear for a while. Hope you're recovering well out of hostpital and thanks for the help and links on my user thingy! Pete Simpson (talk) 20:40, 12 January 2008 (UTC)
This arbitration case has now closed and the decision may be found at the link above. Dbachmann is reminded to avoid using his administrative tools in editorial disputes in which he is personally involved, and to avoid misusing the administrative rollback tool for content reversions. Afrocentrism and Race of ancient Egyptians are placed on article probation. For the arbitration committee, David Mestel(Talk) 20:09, 14 January 2008 (UTC)
- Well, the ArbCom may be of some use after all ;) (though I keep in mind that four arbiters voted to ban me for nothing and that Bachmann got off without any sanctions whatsoever -- just a reprimand and a "reminder," like he'd somehow -- oops -- "forgotten" he's supposed to behave). I never did find the patience to focus on the prosecution of User: Moreschi for his actions, or all the proposed remedies, but perhaps he and Dbachmann will both find themselves a little chastened by this recent decision. It was about time someone did something to rein in these rogue admins who think they can get away with anything. Well done -- all around. :) deeceevoice (talk) 20:36, 14 January 2008 (UTC)
Barnstar
editThe Original Barnstar | ||
For fighting Adharma on Wikipedia, against significant opposition and abuse. ~ priyanath talk 00:40, 15 January 2008 (UTC) |
- And good luck recovering sans appendix - having one go south on you can be a major ordeal ("minor surgery is surgery someone else is having.") ~ priyanath talk 00:40, 15 January 2008 (UTC)
Hi there... I was wonder if you can help me. Where can I find information on copyrighting names and pictures? Your help will be so much appreciated. Thanks!
Yessenia R —Preceding unsigned comment added by Yessenia0606 (talk • contribs) 21:20, 15 January 2008 (UTC)
Graffiti in the park
editI followed your links and looked at your artworks; I liked them a lot. I also appreciated your article on the vandalised wall. In my hometown "tagging" only started in 1988/89 - a clear line can be drawn on when it began. It makes me wonder (hope) whether it could also fizzle out in the same way.
I hope you are having a good recovery from your surgery. Retarius | Talk 04:35, 17 January 2008 (UTC)
R&i
editHey, we should get back to it. Are you currently very busy? Brusegadi (talk) 21:57, 18 January 2008 (UTC)
Arbitration Enforcement
editHi. In the future, please indicate which arbitration case a notice pertains to, preferably by linking to the section dealing with enforcement. Thx. El_C 08:06, 21 January 2008 (UTC)
Hey,
editJust wanted to say "hi," hope your exams went well, hope you have recovered from surgery, hope your spirits are high. Onnnnnnne day we will want your involvement back at (dare I allude to it?) R&I. Lately, nothing much has been going on except for one persistent pest on the talk page. Don't know if that (nothing much going on) is a good or bad thing ... Slrubenstein | Talk 18:33, 26 January 2008 (UTC)
I have had a running argument on the talk page with Jagz I think all of january, maybe much of December (easy to check the edit history of the talk page). I am getting weary of this. Here is the latest example and he has already been making changes to the article - I can't take him on by myself. Slrubenstein | Talk 22:35, 4 February 2008 (UTC)
Safety issue
editHi Futurebird, since you once probed me about my use of the word "legal" in relation to the Dbachmann-evidence, I wonder if you know of any serious safety implications related to this group of people. Since it seems my interest includes articles that crypto Nazi sympathisers might consider their exclusive domain, and since some of these sympathisers worked themselves and others up into pivotal positions within Wikipedia, there might be some real threat that I am not interested in. I found out an entrenched crypto Nazi (User:Paul Barlow) is already checking my physical whereabouts, while an obvious Nazi sympathizer (User:Zara1709) that is currently harrassing me links the two together. I don't want to come up with crazy accusations or suspicions, I just want to ask about your experiences concerning personal safety here, facing this kind of creatures on the loose. Thanks. Rokus01 (talk) 09:10, 14 February 2008 (UTC)
You are invited!
editNew York City Meetup
|
In the afternoon, we will hold a session dedicated to meta:Wikimedia New York City activities, and have salon-style group discussions on Wikipedia and the other Wikimedia projects (see the last meeting's minutes).
Well also make preparations for our exciting Wikipedia Takes Manhattan event, a free content photography contest for Columbia University students planned for Friday March 28 (about 2 weeks after our meeting).
In the evening, we'll share dinner and chat at a local restaurant, and (weather permitting) hold a late-night astronomy event at Columbia's telescopes.
You can add or remove your name from the New York City Meetups invite list at Wikipedia:Meetup/NYC/Invite list.
You're also invited to subscribe to the public Wikimedia New York City mailing list, which is a great way to receive timely updates.
This has been an automated delivery because you were on the invite list. BrownBot (talk) 02:49, 4 March 2008 (UTC)
Could use some help making a WikiProject
editI'd like to start a WikiProject for Black authors in Science Fiction, Fantasy, and Horror, but my wiki-fu is weak. Could you help me through the process? Thanks! Theangryblackwoman (talk) 19:36, 20 March 2008 (UTC)
You used to care about this article. i can understand why you have shifted your energies elsewhere, but you may be interested in this Slrubenstein | Talk 13:02, 22 March 2008 (UTC) Actually, now, I think we really need you ... if you can manage it ... Slrubenstein | Talk 11:35, 26 March 2008 (UTC)
User: Quorty
editPlease intervene with regard to the user Quorty. What bugs me is the tone he takes in every dispute. Without much investigation, he slams every tool at his disposal at articles and users who work on them. Every user page request is mean-spirited, no one is ever given benefit of the doubt. I post now from my IP so I won't get beat up by him on my registered page -- in an hour or so there will be a marker put on the IP page showing where it's from and implying some kind of misdoing or accusing it outright.
Quorty is a very powerful user, and there's really nothing regular joes like me can do about his nonsense. Is there anything a higher end user like you can do? Or somebody, just to get him to dial it back a notch or two? It's not the Spanish Inquisition -- it's a bunch of people working for free on a community encyclopedia project. I know I'm super-discouraged from creating new and notable content just for dread of having to spend my time wrangling with him instead of actually working on Wikipedia. 72.241.98.90 (talk) 20:34, 26 April 2008 (UTC)
Race, Intelligence, and IQ: Are Blacks Smarter?
editFull article can be found at Africaresource.com
What is IQ and why the Racial Controversy?
IQ is a culturally, socially, and ideologically rooted concept; an index intended to predict success (i.e., to predict outcomes that are valued as success by some people) in a given society. The items on these tests are largely measures of achievement at various levels of competency (Sternberg et al, 1998a, 1999, 2003a) and are devised impressionistically by psychologists to simply mimic the psycholinguistic structures of schooling and middle class clerical/administrative occupations (Richardson, 2002). Alfred Binet, the IQ’s inventor, originally devised the IQ test more than 100 years ago to screen children for educational difficulties, and made clear its conceptual foundations (See Richardson, 2002). IQ tests are, and were originally designed to be nothing more than devices for generating numbers that are useful in assessing academic aptitude with in a given culture. That is, an IQ test samples some elements of intelligent behavior and these elements are associated with academic performance (Capron et al, 1999).
Traditional intelligence tests do not measure the many forms of intelligence that are beyond the more academically specific skills, such as music, creativity, art, interpersonal and intrapersonal abilities (Braaten and Norman, 2006; Gardner, 2000). IQ and similar tests are also unable to measure potential, are not independent from what is measured by achievement tests, and are not powerful predictors of low reading performance (Siegel, 1989, Bradshaw, 2001). Test results in one child can vary according to mood, motivation, and fatigue, while the tests themselves show prominent rehearsal/learning effects, generally assume a degree of literacy, and are largely framed to suit Western cultural requirements (O’Brien, 2001; Ceci & Williams, 1997). For these reasons, many argue that the use of IQ tests should be abandoned (Siegel, 1989, 1992; Vellutino et al, 2000, Bradshaw, 2001; Schonemann, 1997c). In addition, no tests except dynamic tests (see Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2002a) that require learning at the time of the test, directly measure ability to learn. Traditional tests focus much more on measuring past learning, which can be the result of differences in many factors, including motivation and available opportunities to learn.
There is also currently no serious evidence that demonstrates IQ tests to measure either an inborn property or what is commonly understood to mean “intelligence” (Hirsch 1970, 2004; Schonemann, 1997c, 2005; Kempthorn 1978, 1997; Capron et al, 1999; Vetta, 2002; Wahlsten, 1981; Capron and Vetta, 2006). Intelligence is a highly subjective and culturally confound concept which remains largely undefined (see Schonemann, 1997c; Sternberg, 1998; Cole et al, 1971; Guttman, 1992). The twin and adoption studies commonly used to report heritability estimates in relationship to IQ tests have been shown, ‘repeatedly’, to be highly suspicious in nature. For example, statistical models used in twin studies and inferences from them relating to IQ tests tend to lack statistical validity (Capron et al., 1999; Kempthorn, 1997; Schonemann, 1997c). The biometrical school of scientists who fit models to IQ data traces their intellectual ancestry to R. Fisher (1918), but their genetic models have no predictive value (See Vetta, 2002; Vetta, 1976; Capron and Vetta, 2006; Capron et al, 1999; Schonemann, 1997c). Fisher himself was critical of the concept of heritability, because assortative mating, such as for IQ, introduces complexities into the study of a genetic trait (Capron and Vetta, 2006).
Wahlsten (1981) argues that errors are so wide spread in the heritability literature that the critical reader has good reason to doubt every article published on the topic in relationship to IQ. He goes further stating that it is necessary to check the arithmetic, algebra and original references before seriously considering any conclusions. Schonemann (1997c) shows, for example, that conventional heritability estimates often produce absurdly high values for variables that cannot possibly be genetic. He found that if one applies the traditional heritability arithmetic to the twin data collected by Loehlin and Nichols (1976), that the answer to the question “Did you take a bubble bath last year” is 90% genetic (Schonemann, 1997c)! What’s more, this arithmetic is still in popular use, to this day.
These pervasive shortcomings and inconsistencies have not, however, stopped many hard nosed IQ advocates from continuing to promote the IQ test’s practical merits for predicting academic success and occupational status within western market based societies - This is in spite of the fact that the IQ test’s predictive validity even in these areas has been roundly challenged (Schonemann, 1997c, 2005; Siegel, 1989; Bradshaw, 2001; Sternberg, 2001; Frank, 1983). In addition, some ardent IQ advocates have argued that the possible reason why many blacks and other minorities do not achieve in the areas of academic attainment and occupational status is not because of historical racism and societal factors, but instead because of factors relating to low IQ scores. All but ignoring historical events (e.g. slavery and Jim Crow) economic and educational biases (Pattillo,1999; Diamond and Spillane 2004; Roscigno, 1998), the affects of culture and cultural differences (Valsiner, 2000; Cole et al. 1971; Serpell R., 1979; Ogbu and Simons, 1998), the questionable methodology and theory involved with IQ tests (Schonemann, 1997c, 2005; Guttman, 1955, 1992; Hirsch, 1970, 2004), poor test validity (Schonemann, 1997c, Bradshaw, 2001; Sternberg, 1997), test bias (Manly, 1998; Helms, 1992; Helms, 1997; Kwate, 2001; Baldwin and Bell, 1985; Borsboom, 2006) and criticism leveled against heritability estimates (Capron et al, 1999; Schonemann, 1994, 1997c; Hirsh, 1970, 2004 ; Kempthorn; 1978, 1997; Lidz and Blatt, 1983; Joseph, 2004, 2006; Vetta, 1976, 2002), these advocates proceed with their arguments, unaltered.
For example, in 1994 authors Herrnstein and Murray in their controversial book “The Bell Curve” argued that a dysgenic trend exists in western societies that foresee the establishment of a “cognitive elite.” Although their work was subject to wide and often scathing criticism, the authors managed to generate a substantial amount of media attention, which helped to perpetuate negative ethnic stereotypes in the formal literature and in public discourse for a number of years.
Many IQ advocates argue that a general index of cognitive ability is the single best predictor of virtually all criteria considered necessary for success in life in the Western part of the developed world (Jensen, 1998; Schmidt, Ones & Hunter, 1992), and maintain that the average undergraduate, “those who graduate from college or university”, must possess IQs that are no lower than 115 (Ostrowsky, 1999; Gottfredson, 1998), while individuals who are able to obtain a graduate level degree must on average, possess an IQ in the range of 125 (Gottfredson, 1998). This often serves the implied purpose of suggesting that blacks and other minorities can not go on to, or graduate from institutions of higher learning - and ultimately move on to professional careers and economic success – and that this is not because of matters relating to personal interest, financial ability, or the quality of schooling received in the past, but instead because of factors relating to IQ (e.g. Jensen, 1969; Gottfredson, 1998). These arguments also tend to base themselves within the tiresome framework of nature vs. nurture; in this case, does more school develop high IQ, or does a high IQ equal more school and greater opportunity (Jensen, 1998)? To put it another way, these researchers believe that a student’s level of academic attainment is predestined by their genes.
African Blacks significantly Exceed Whites in Educational Attainment and Professional Employment:
African-born blacks comprise 16 percent of the U.S. foreign-born black population and are considerably more educated than other immigrants (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000). The vast majority of these immigrants come from minority white countries in East and West Africa (e.g. Kenya and Nigeria), and less than 2 percent originate from North or South Africa (World Factbook, 2004; Yearbook of immigration Statistics, 2003). In an analysis of Census Bureau data by the Journal of Blacks in higher education, African immigrants to the United States were found more likely to be college educated than any other immigrant group, which included those from Europe, North America and Asia (also see Nisbett, 2002; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000). African immigrants have also been shown to be more highly educated than any native-born ethnic group including white and Asian Americans (Logan & Deane, 2003; Williams, 2005; The Economist, 1996; Arthur, 2000; Selassie, 1998; Nisbett, 2002).
Most data suggest that between 43.8 and 49.3 percent of “all” African immigrants in the United States hold a college diploma (Nisbett, 2002; Charles, 2007; U.S. Census, 2000). This is slightly more than the percentage of Asian immigrants to the U.S., substantially greater than the percentage of European immigrants, nearly “double” the rate of native-born white Americans, nearly four times the rate of native-born African Americans, and more than “8 times” that of some Hispanic groups (Williams, 2005; Nisbett, 2002; The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 1999-2000; U.S. Census, 2000). Black immigrants from Africa have also been shown to have rates of college graduation that are “more” than double that of the U.S.-born population, in general (Williams, 2005). For example, in 1997, 19.4 percent of all adult African immigrants in the United States held a “graduate degree”, compared to 8.1 percent of adult whites (a difference of “more than” double) and 3.8 percent of adult blacks in the United States, respectively (The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 1999-2000). This shows that America has an equally large achievement gap between white Americans and African born immigrants as between native born white and black Americans.
In the UK, 1988, the Commission for Racial Equality conducted an investigation on the admissions practices of St. George's, and other medical colleges, who set aside a certain number of places for minority students. This informal quota system reflected the percentage of minorities in the general population. However, minority students with Chinese, Indian, or black African heritage had higher academic qualifications for university admission than did whites (Blacks in Britain from the West Indies had lower academic credentials than did whites). In fact, blacks with African origins over the age of 30 had the highest educational qualifications of any ethnic group in the British Isles. Thus, the evidence pointed to the fact that minority quotas for University admissions were actually working against students from these ethnic groups who were on average more qualified for higher education than their white peers (Cross, 1994; Also see, Dustmann, Theodoropoulos, 2006).
Dustmann and Theodoropoulos (2006) provide a first thorough investigation of educational attainment and economic behavior of ethnic minority immigrants and their children in Britain. They studied how British born minorities perform in terms of education, employment and wages, when compared to their parent generation as well as to comparable groups of white natives, using 27 years of LFS data (Labour Force Survey). In terms of educational attainment their results showed a strong educational background for Britain’s ethnic minority immigrant population. In addition, they showed that second generation ethnic minorities do better than their parents, and substantially better than their white peers! For both generations Black Africans topped the list in both years of schooling/educational qualifications and wages/employment (ibid).
Again, when comparing immigrants in the United States one quickly finds that the racialist models adopted by many Psychologists do not always predict outcomes in the way one might expect. For example, it has been shown that black immigrants born from Zimbabwe (96.7 percent), Botswana (95.5 percent) have high school graduation rates that far exceed all white immigrant and native born groups. While the average Nigerian immigrant (58.6 percent) living in the United States is “eight times” more likely to have obtained a bachelors degree than the average Portuguese born (7.3 percent) (Dixon D, 2006; Dixon D, 2005)!
The African born in the United States are concentrated in management or professional and sales or office-related occupations. Of the employed population age 16 and older in the civilian labor force, the African born are much more likely than the foreign born in general to work in management and professional occupations as well as sales and office occupations (i.e. clerical/administrative). Additionally, the African born are less likely to work in service, production, transportation, material moving, construction, and maintenance occupations than the foreign born in general (Dixon D, 2006). In the UK a study by Dr Yaojun Li, from Birmingham University, and Professor Anthony Heath, from Oxford University, found that Africans are more likely to be in professional and managerial jobs than white British men, with a large proportion, about 40%, holding these positions (Li and Heath, 2006).
Black African Educational Attainment and their Implications for IQ:
The presented information above suggests that African born blacks residing in western countries as a group possess IQs that are between 5 points and a full standard deviation (15 IQ points) above that of whites living in these countries (see, Gottfredson, 1998; Ostrowsky, 1999; Richardson, 2002; Cross, 1994; Williams, 2005; Nisbett, 2002) - This is especially true for those in the United States and in the UK. One may also expect to find, according to much of the corroborative literature that relates IQ with education, approximately twice the number of African born immigrants with IQs in the 115 range, than among the general white American population (Gottfredson, 1998; Ostrowsky, 1999; Williams, 2005; Nisbett, 2002), and “more” than twice the number of African immigrants in the 125 IQ range (see Gottfredson, 1998; Nisbett, 2002; The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 1999-2000).
For example, in the United States, African born blacks and their offspring have been reported to exceed American born whites in several socio-economic indicators - particularly in the areas of educational attainment and occupational status - in ways that resemble the gaps observed between native born white and black Americans, in the same indicators (Charles, 2007; Le, 2007; Le, 2007; US Census Bureau, Census 2000. "5% Public Use Microdata Sample.").
Some advantages to using academic attainment comparisons for the analysis of major group differences in IQ in Western industrialized nations are that they provide very big numbers, with sample sizes often in the hundreds of thousands, that are genuinely random; and consequently specific ethnicities can be compared with statistical confidence. The differences in overall educational attainment observed between African born blacks in the United States and native born white Americans are quite spectacular! Indeed, if one chooses to adopt the hereditarian thinking of Jensen (1998), Herrnstein and Murray (1994) or Gottfredson (1998), these disparities become suggestive of underlying intelligence differences between the two populations; with these differences in strong “favor” of African born blacks. Though higher cognitive indices are said by some to be predictive of more educational achievements and more education predictive of higher intellectual outcomes (e.g., Brody, 1997; Ceci & Williams, 1997), so that there are reciprocal relationships. Most who study African immigrants attribute their inclination toward academic attainment to be the result of positive cultural factors (Arthur, 2000; Selassie, 1998).
In the United States most claims about intelligence differences in IQ, today are little more than statistically based inferences derived from various Scholastic aptitude tests, and are not direct measures of IQ in any real sense. Keeping this in mind, and acknowledging the superior educational attainment of most African blacks in the united states, it can thus be argued that because of their higher educational levels, they must also be expected to pass more difficult scholastic aptitude tests, which would require higher level IQs - and because whites, on average, do not, or are unable to attain the same level of academic achievement they must, based on IQist thinking, possess lower cogitative indexes on the group level.
African born blacks residing in Western countries tend also to be concentrated in higher level professional occupations, which are considered by many to be more cognitively demanding, requiring more intellectual ability (Gottfredson, 1986; Herrnstein and Murray, 1994), than the average occupations of either American or British born whites (Dixon, 2006; Li and Heath, 2006). According to IQ advocates and social Darwinists, alike, these occupational differences should also indicate higher levels of intelligence among black African immigrants than among whites (e.g. Gottfredson, 1986; Jensen 1998). In fact, as virtually all IQ tests in popular use today are designed specifically for the purposes of predicting academic success and occupational status, it could thus be argued that the west’s hereditarian “Cognitive Elite” (discussed in “The Bell Curve”) are be best described as black men and women from Africa. That is, if we assume the outcome measure to be a truly independent measure, and that a positive correlation between IQ tests and the criterion establishes predictive validity.
Something else to note, according to the New York Times (Roberts, 2005), for the first time in history more blacks are coming to the United States from Africa than during the slave trade. Immigration figures show that since 1990 more Africans have arrived voluntarily than the total who disembarked in chains before the United States outlawed international slave trafficking in 1807. Research shows, For example, that around 15% of Ghana’s 20million citizens live aboard (Owusu-Ankomah 2006). Similar trends can be observed among other African states. In other words: black African achievement can not simply be dismissed as that of a “small group” of elites entirely unrepresentative of the greater continent. Moreover, the academic attainment and occupational achievements of black Africans are not only documented in the United States, but also the UK (Li and Heath, 2006; Dustmann, Theodoropoulos, 2006) and Canada (Guppy and Davies, 1998; Boyd, 2002).
Culture, Race and Intelligence Testing:
It is taken for granted by many in the United States and much of the developed world, that children who do well on standardized tests are intelligent. However, different cultures have their on views of what intelligence is (Sternberg, 2007; Cole, 1990; Cole et al. 1971; Greenfield). In this respect children that are considered intelligent may vary from one culture to another, along with the acts that constitute intelligent behavior (Sternberg, 2007). It has been said, for example, that the comparison of IQ scores of different nationalities or cultural groups is, at best, a hazardous enterprise, to be undertaken with caution and humility, and at worst, a nonsensical and mischievous waste of time (Mackintosh, 1998)., Cronbach (1949/1970, p. 182) states that IQ tests require experience common to the (mainstream) US culture and is of dubious value for comparing cultural groups. In addition, there are countless empirical and theoretical studies that thoroughly debunk the suspicious racial thinking involved in IQ testing; with good examples being Schonemann (1997a; 1997c) and Guttman (1992).
In spite of this, few researchers attempt to provide examples where the disadvantaged or culturally distinct groups actually do better on standardized measures than do members of the more culturally dominant group, who impose these kinds of measures. In addition, few researchers will apply standardized measures that are either preferred or devised in favor of those who must operate within more informal sectors and/or economically disadvantaged circles to members of the more dominant or mainstream group, in order to provide balance. It has been shown, for example, that tests which are highly novel in one culture or subculture may be quite familiar in the next (Valsiner, 2000). For example, unschooled subjects will fail at classification tasks characteristic of school learning contexts and succeed with classification relevant to their everyday practical experience (Cole, 1990; Cole et al. 1971). That is, even if components of information processing are the same, the experiential novelty to which they are applied may be different (Valsiner, 2000).
An example of this phenomenon can be seen in a study by Serpell R. (1979), in which Zambian and English children were asked to reproduce patterns in three media: wire models, clay models, or pencil and paper. The Zambian children excelled in the wire medium with which they were familiar, while the English children were best with pencil and paper. Both groups performed equally well with clay. Thus, children performed better with materials that were more familiar to them, from their own environments. Carraher, Carraher, and Schliemann (1985) studied a group of Brazilian children and found that the same children who were able to do the mathematics needed to run their street businesses were little able to do the same mathematics when presented in a more formal (grade schooling) context.
Cole et al (1971) studied a tribe in Africa: The Kpelle tribe. In this study adults were asked to sort items into categories; however, rather than producing taxonomic categories (e.g. "fruit" for apple), Kpelle participants sorted items into functional groups (e.g. "eat" for apple). After trying and failing to teach them to categorize items taxonomically they were asked as a last resort how a “stupid” person would do the task. At that point, according to the researchers, without any hesitation, the Kpelle sorted the items into taxonomic categories (Cole et al., 1971)! Demonstrating that not only where these participants able to do the presented tasks, but in their own culture, what was considered intelligent by western standards was believed to be “stupid.”
Crawford-Nutt (1976) found that African black students enrolled in westernized schools scored higher on progressive matrix tests than did American white students. The study was meant to examine perceptual/cultural differences between groups, and demonstrated that one’s performance on western standardized tests correspond more closely with the quality and style of schooling that one receives more so than other factors. Buj (1981) also showed Ghanaian adults in one study to score higher on a supposedly ‘culture fair’ intelligence test than did Irish adults; scores were 80 (Ghanaian) and 78 (Irish), respectively. Shuttleworth-Edwards et al (2004) conducted a study with black South Africans between the ages of 19–30, where highly significant effects for both level and quality of education within groups whose first language was an indigenous black African language, was revealed. Black African first language groups (as well as white English speaking groups) with advantaged education were comparable with the US standardization in IQ test scores (e.g. WAIS-III).
In another study, Serpell et al (2006) took 162 low-income African American and white fourth graders and randomly assigned them to ethnically homogeneous, communally structured groups of three to work on a motion acceleration task using either computer simulation or physical tools; or to a control group that did not participate in the learning activities. The results of this study showed African American and White students to perform equally well on the test of initial learning, with both groups scoring significantly higher than the control group. However, African Americans’ transfer outcomes were superior to those of their White counterparts (Serpell et al., 2006). This study demonstrated empirically that not only do African American children learn as well as white children, but that they also exceeded white children in their ability to transfer learned abilities to real tasks.
In the United States, when matched for IQ with Whites, American Blacks show superior “Working Memory” (Nijenhuis et al., 2004); an interesting finding, as African Americans are typically taught by less qualified teachers than their white counterparts and are provided with less challenging school work (Hallinan 1994; Diamond et al., 2004). In Chicago, for example, the vast majority of schools placed on academic probation as part of the district accountability efforts were majority African-American and low-income (Diamond and Spillane 2004).
Other studies show that up to 99% of group IQ score differences between black and white Americans are eliminated after controlling simply for cultural factors. For example, Manly et al (1998) found in an empirical research study, that after cultural factors such as linguistic behavior (e.g. black vs. standard English) are taken into consideration between healthy black and white Americans, that IQ score differences, particularly on the Wais-R (Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale--Revised), become statistically insignificant in all but one area (a reading section)! Other studies also show similar results after controlling for cultural factors. Fagan and Holland (2002) found, for example, that where exposure to specific information was required; whites knew more about the meanings of different sayings than did Blacks (due to exposure). But, when comprehension was based on generally available information, Whites and Blacks did not differ (Fagan and Holland, 2002). This study also found that when Blacks and Whites are matched as to comprehension of sayings requiring specific knowledge that Blacks were superior to Whites on intelligence tests (ibid).
Williams and Rivers (1972b) showed that test instructions in Standard English penalized the black child and that if the language of the test is put in familiar labels without training or coaching, the black child’s performances on the tests increase significantly. It has also been pointed out that ideally a child’s language development should be evaluated in terms of his progress toward the norms for his particular speech community (Cadzen, 1966). This kind of evaluation is rarely, if ever, done with respect to African Americans in the United States. For example, studies using sentence repetition tasks have found that, at both third and fifth grades, white subjects repeat Standard English sentences significantly more accurately than black subjects, while black subjects repeated nonstandard English sentences significantly more accurately than white subjects (Marwit et al, 1977), however, students in school are only tested in Standard English.
Teng and Manly (2005) argue that tests developed for members of the majority culture are often inappropriate for ethnic minorities, especially those who speak a different language, have little or no formal education, and grow up in vastly different circumstances (see also, Williams, 1972). These researchers argue further that variables that directly affect test performance, such as education and acculturation instead of race or ethnicity, should be considered as explanatory variables for test performance (Teng and Manly, 2005). One research team, for example, found that discrepancy in reading and education level was associated with worse psychological test performance, while racial/ethnic minority status was not (Ryan et al 2005)! That is, after reading and education levels are controlled for, there is no difference in IQ and other tests scores between blacks and whites (ibid).
Barnes (1972) noted that the Stanford-Binet, and the Wisc IQ tests are examples of “Culture specific tests”, and that the culture in this instance is what is frequently referred to as “white middle class.” Lyman (1970) designed a cross cultural test called the “American Cross Culture Ethnic Nomenclature Test”, or “ACCENT.” The instrument contained 20 black biased and 20 white biased items. In one experiment this test was administered to 110 undergraduates (91 whites and 19 blacks). It was found that the black participants out performed the white participants, with blacks obtaining a mean of 15.3 on the black items and 11.1 on the white items, while white subjects obtained a mean of 12.7 on the white items and 8.3 on the black items. The results indicate that when blacks and whites are tested cross-culturally, blacks may outperform whites.
There is also evidence showing that traditional psychological assessment is based on skills that are considered important within white, western, middle-class culture, but which may not be salient or valued within African-American culture (Helms, 1992; Helms, 1997; Hilliard, 1995). When test stimuli are more culturally pertinent to the experiences of African Americans, performance improves (Hayles, 1991; Williams and Rivers, 1972b). Research shows, for example, that “Black Culture” depicts problem solving as an integrative hemispheric endeavor rather than a linear, analytical process (Bell, 1994), and that in this culture "psychological closeness" is necessary for one’s involvement in the phenomena which he seeks to understand. It has also been shown that culturally diverse learners are often excluded in educational programs through misidentification, misassessment, miscategorization, misplacement, and misinstruction-misintervention (Obiakor and Utley, 2004). Kwate (2001) provides evidence that IQ tests are antagonistic and incompatible with an African centered conception of intelligence and mental health.
There are undoubtedly very strong cultural biases built into IQ tests (Helms 1992, 1997; Richardson, 2002, 2000; Kwate, 2001). IQ tests were originally created to simply identify individuals who had already been deemed ‘intelligent’ by other more subjective criteria (Richarson, 2002; Richardson, 2000). These criteria often involved “norm-referencing”, as well as the personal opinions and biases of the test designers. In norm-referenced tests, items which do not discriminate between preselected groups are rejected or simply thrown out (Williams, 1972). In this respect, not only will one find examples of cultural bias built into IQ tests, but also, “observer bias.”
Psychometric theory states that differences in raw test scores (eg, IQ-scores) of different groups cannot be used to infer group differences in theoretical attributes (e.g. intelligence) unless the test scores accord with a particular set restrictions (Borsboom, 2006). Namely, the same attribute must relate to the same set of observations in the same way in each group (Borsboom, 2006; Mellenbergh, 1989). Weschler (1944) “himself” warned that his Weschler Bellevue test norms were to be used exclusively for the white population, stating: “Our norms cannot be used for the colored population of the United states. Though we have tested a large number of colored persons, our standardization is based upon white subjects only (pg. 107).” This not only renders most psychometric restrictions violated, but also calls into serious question the WISC’s usefulness, cross-culturally. In fact, virtually all IQ tests in common use today were designed for the purpose of evaluating people from only one cultural setting, and do not include materials that consider the culture, values or dialect of those from communities outside of what is referred to as “white middle class,” (see also, Richarson, 2002; Greenfield, 1997; Sternberg, 2004; Valsiner, 2000; Kwate, 2001; Helms, 1992; Helms, 1997), and thus group differences in test scores can in many ways be irrelevant.
Do IQ tests really measure… stupidity?
Research has shown that IQ test scores tend to correlate negatively with scores of practical intelligence (Sternberg, 2001, 2004). Practical intelligence can be described as a person’s ability to apply learned skills and knowledge to everyday, real life tasks; or how to handle challenging situations. There is currently a lot of evidence demonstrating IQ tests to be unable to gauge a person’s overall potential or aptitude for learning (see Bradshaw, 2001; Siegel, 1989; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2002a). What this means essentially is that a person who scores unusually high on an IQ test may not be a great learner (Sternberg, 2001). In fact, high scoring individuals may actually be demonstrating deficits in other areas; particularly in areas involving adaptive behavior or “practical intelligence” (See Sternberg, 2001). It may also be argued based on the negative correlations observed between Practical
Intelligence and IQ scores that those who score moderately or even very poorly on IQ tests may possess important strengths elsewhere. These strengths would relate more closely with adaptive kinds of behaviors and the application of learned skills and knowledge to real life tasks. These practical skills in addition to their full learning capabilities would place people of high Practical intelligence at a distinct advantage over high IQ individuals with respect to most important real life everyday tasks. This is because high IQ individuals demonstrate strengths in relationship to the acquisition and retention of knowledge, but are usually weak when it comes to putting this knowledge to use in real life practical ways; this is essentially the difference between knowing and doing. Co-incidentally, practical kinds of skills are of the kind that most Anthropologists and paleoanthropologists credit with helping to make the human species so evolutionarily formidable (Tattersall and Scwartz 2000; Kuhn and Stiner 1998).
Empirical research has shown Practical intelligence to be a better predictor of numerous real life outcomes. For example, Chawarski (2002), found that among scientists immigrating to Israel from the USSR those who were rated highest on levels of practical intelligence tended to adapt better than those who were not. Moreover, higher practical intelligence tended to predict overall success in research and development jobs; with correlations at times reaching as high as .60 (Chawarski, 2002). Correlations this high are rarely if ever obtained with IQ tests with respect to any criteria, be they academic or real life (Schonemann, 1997c; Bradshaw, 2001). Another study found that teachers of high practical intelligence were rated more effective by their school principals and were better able to handle problematic situations (Grigorenko et al, 2006). While Sternberg (2001) reported that among academics, measures of practical intelligence predict productivity, citation rates, and quality ratings of the institution at which one is teaching over and above those obtained from IQ tests (2001).
A study by Bilalić et al (2007) found when an elite subsample of 23 children was tested for IQ that their scores were not a significant factor in chess skill, and that, if anything, IQ tended to correlate negatively with chess skill. The study demonstrated the dangers of focusing on a single factor in complex real-world situations where a number of closely interconnected factors operate. It has been argued, for example, that IQ test scores are little more than examples of developed competencies (Sternberg, 2001); much like this particular chess study has shown of chess skill.
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